988 resultados para Revenue stamps


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The Government’s Framework for Sustainable Economic Renewal- Building Ireland’s Smart Economy, launched by the Taoiseach in late 2008, establishes Ireland’s ambition to become internationally renowned as an Innovation Island. At the core of achieving this ambition will be our capacity for producing highly skilled graduates and fostering a climate of creative thinking and advanced research and development. This relies on the quality of undergraduate provision right across the sciences, arts and humanities in our third level institutions. The development of a new national strategy for higher education is now underway. The strategy will aim to identify a vision and objectives for the development of the sector over the next twenty years. Leading higher education systems internationally are characterised by wide revenue sources that, in many cases, include a form of direct student contribution through a tuition fee or student loans system. If Ireland’s higher education system is to develop and meet future demands in an environment of increasingly tight public resources, then it is appropriate that the sector’s level of dependence on Exchequer funding should come under review.

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We build a theoretical framework that allows for endogenous conflict behaviour (i.e., fighting efforts) and for endogenous natural resource exploitation (i.e., speed, ownership, and investments). While depletion is spread in a balanced Hotelling fashion during peace, the presence of conflict creates incentives for rapacious extraction, as this lowers the stakes of future contest. This voracious extraction depresses total oil revenue, especially if world oil demand is relatively elastic and the government's weapon advantage is weak. Some of these political distortions can be overcome by bribing rebels or by government investment in weapons. The shadow of conflict can also make less efficient nationalized oil extraction more attractive than private extraction, as insecure property rights create a holdup problem for the private firm and lead to a lower license fee. Furthermore, the government fights less intensely than the rebels under private exploitation, which leads to more government turnover. Without credible commitment to future fighting efforts, private oil depletion is only lucrative if the government's non-oil office rents are large and weaponry powerful, which guarantees the government a stronger grip on office and makes the holdup problem less severe.

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A l’article es pretén traçar una primera cronologia de l’evolució de les competències fiscals del municipi barceloní fins a la consolidació d’un veritable sistema fiscal. Més que conclusions definitives, el treball vol establir unes primeres hipòtesis dins d’una investigació pròpia en curs sobre la fiscalitat reial a la ciutat de Barcelona que, fins al moment, s’havia centrat sobretot en l’anàlisi del patrimoni reial

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La première guerre mondiale a créé des déséquilibres fondamentaux au sein de l'économie mondiale. D'une part, elle a endetté les Etats à un point tel que ces derniers ont été poussés à pratiquer des politiques inflationnistes aux effets sociaux parfois désastreux. D'autre part, elle a détruit le système monétaire international et avec lui le système de régulation des échanges commerciaux. Enfin, elle a provoqué un gonflement de l'appareil productif, ce qui se traduira par des tendances à la surproduction une fois la paix revenue. Bien que la Suisse soit restée neutre durant le conflit, la situation de guerre ne la pas épargnée et les déséquilibres fondamentaux évoqués l'ont aussi touchée de plein fouet à partir de 1919. Fortement intégrée dans l'économie mondiale, que ce soit au niveau des échanges d'hommes, de marchandises et de capitaux, la Suisse a surtout souffert des dérèglements intervenus sur le plan des échanges internationaux. Menant une politique du franc fort, les autorités ont dû faire face aux conséquences négatives de cette stratégie monétaire sur les différentes branches productives de l'économie. Surdimensionnées à l'issue de quatre années de pénurie, marquées par la difficulté d'importer, les branches de l'industrie et de l'agriculture travaillant pour le marché intérieur doivent faire face à une importation massive de produits étrangers. Celle-ci est encore stimulée par la politique de dumping monétaire de certains partenaires commerciaux. Quant à l'industrie d'exportation, elle ne parvient plus à écouler ses produits sur les marchés à monnaie dépréciée. Le chômage grimpe rapidement au cours de l'année 1921, ravivant les tensions sociales exacerbées par les grèves générales de 1918 et 1919. C'est dans ce contexte social explosif que la question de l'assainissement des finances fédérales doit être résolue. Durant le conflit, l'accroissement des dépenses de l'Etat a été couvert, dans une large mesure, par un accroissement de la dette et un recours à la planche à billet. Il s'agit donc de déterminer quels impôts vont fournir les sommes nécessaires au service et à l'amortissement de la dette. Les nouvelles tâches embrassées par la Confédération au cours du conflit provoquent par ailleurs un déficit budgétaire structurel que les autorités veulent combler au plus vite pour ne pas mettre en danger le franc suisse et éviter de tirer les taux de l'argent à la hausse. Pour faire face aux défis commerciaux et financiers générés par la guerre, la Confédération dispose de plusieurs outils lui permettant de mener une politique volontariste. Parmi ceux-ci, la politique douanière occupe une place très importante, puisqu'elle est à la fois la principale source de revenus de la Confédération et un bras de levier efficace pour influencer les flux commerciaux. Certes, de par son importance dans la répartition de la richesse nationale, la politique douanière a toujours été l'objet de conflits politiques homériques. Entre 1880 et 1914, un débat continu a opposé les différents groupes socio-économiques cherchant à défendre des intérêts fiscaux et commerciaux bien compris. Cependant, à l'issue de la Première guerre mondiale, les enjeux du débat prennent un ampleur qualitativement différente, puisqu'il s'agit de répondre à la question que tout le monde se pose: qui va payer la guerre ? Ce mémoire de licence analyse pourquoi et comment la réponse à cette question a engendré des conflits politiques extrêmement violents qui ont contribué à maintenir un climat social tendu au cours de la première moitié des années 1920. Pour diriger la politique douanière suisse en conformité avec leurs intérêts, les grandes associations faîtières de l'économie n'ont pas hésité à prolonger le régime des pleins pouvoirs en vigueur durant la guerre. Le 18 février 1921, des pleins pouvoirs douaniers sont attribués par le Parlement au Conseil fédéral. En vertu de ceux-ci, le gouvernement mène une politique entièrement dévouée aux intérêts des partenaires du bloc bourgeois-paysan alors au pouvoir. Afin de réguler les flux commerciaux, des mesures de restriction de l'importation sont instaurées. En matière de fiscalité, il s'agit avant tout de ne pas recourir trop à l'imposition directe frappant le revenu et le capital, mais d'utiliser l'imposition indirecte, et en particulier la taxation douanière. Pour satisfaire la paysannerie, dont l'appui politique est nécessaire, les positions agricoles du nouveau tarif sont fortement augmentées, ce qui pousse le prix des denrées alimentaires à la hausse. Cette partie du programme douanier, qui est défavorable aux milieux de l'industrie d'exportation, engendre quelques tensions au sein même du bloc bourgeois. Grands perdants de la politique fiscale menée par le Conseil fédéral, les salariés tentent de s'y opposer par tous les moyens à disposition. La politique autoritaire instaurée dans le domaine douanier les empêche toutefois de recourir au référendum. Une large coalition d'associations et de partis de gauche décident alors de s'opposer à la politique du gouvernement par le biais d'une initiative. La politique douanière devient le lieu de rassemblement d'une clientèle politique très diverse susceptible de déboucher sur la constitution d'un cartel politique de centre-gauche. Parallèlement, le PSS lance une autre initiative demandant à ce que la dette de guerre soit payée par un prélèvement unique sur la fortune. Au cours des années 1921 à 1923, la politique fiscale devient un champ d'affrontement politique de première importance. Certes, la gauche socialiste ne se gêne pas d'instrumentaliser ce champ pour attiser la lutte des classes, mais c'est surtout la droite nationaliste qui jette de l'huile sur le feu. Le discours antisocialiste qui caractérise la campagne de votation est de la plus grande violence. Au-delà des enjeux financiers et économiques qui sous-tendent le débat douanier, l'initiative remet en question les fondements mêmes de l'organisation politique suisse. Scellée en 1902, l'alliance douanière est en effet la clef de voûte du bloc bourgeois-paysan des associations faîtières. Une victoire de l'initiative serait la porte ouverte à un cartel de centre-gauche ou, plus grave encore, à une alliance rouge-verte. En stigmatisant les partisans bourgeois de l'initiative, qui sont accusés de faire un pacte avec le diable, l'USCI et l'USP parviennent à isoler le mouvement ouvrier. La défaite de 1923 est ainsi sans appel. Elle marque un jalon important de la «ghettoïsation» que le mouvement ouvrier aura à subir tout au long de l'Entre-deux-guerres. En plébiscitant les pleins pouvoirs douaniers, la votation donne aussi décharge aux autorités politiques pour leur gestion autoritaire de l'économie. Impensable avant la guerre, la soustraction d'arrêtés au référendum se systématisera dans l'Entre-deux-guerres, participant à une remise en question plus large des principes démocratiques. Au centre de la gestion des conséquences économiques et financières de la Première guerre mondiale, la politique douanière permet donc d'expliciter les conséquences sociales et politiques que le conflit a provoquées sur le plus long terme par le biais de l'explosion de la dette de l'Etat.

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Summary The field of public finance focuses on the spending and taxing activities of governments and their influence on the allocation of resources and distribution of income. This work covers in three parts different topics related to public finance which are currently widely discussed in media and politics. The first two parts deal with issues on social security, which is in general one of the biggest spending shares of governments. The third part looks at the main income source of governments by analyzing the perceived value of tax competition. Part one deals with the current problem of increased early retirement by focusing on Switzerland as a special case. Early retirement is predominantly considered to be the result of incentives set by social security and the tax system. But the Swiss example demonstrates that the incidence of early retirement has dramatically increased even in the absence of institutional changes. We argue that the wealth effect also plays an important role in the retirement decision for middle and high income earners. An actuarially fair, but mandatory funded system with a relatively high replacement rate may thus contribute to a low labor market participation rate of elderly workers. We provide evidence using a unique dataset on individual retirement decisions in Swiss pension funds, allowing us to perfectly control for pension scheme details. Our findings suggest that affordability is a key determinant in the retirement decisions. The higher the accumulated pension capital, the earlier men, and to a smaller extent women, tend to leave the workforce. The fact that early retirement has become much more prevalent in the last 15 years is a further indicator of the importance of a wealth effect, as the maturing of the Swiss mandatory funded pension system over that period has led to an increase in the effective replacement rates for middle and high income earners. Part two covers the theoretical side of social security. Theories analyzing optimal social security benefits provide important qualitative results, by mainly using one general type of an economy. Economies are however very diverse concerning numerous aspects, one of the most important being the wealth level. This can lead to significant quantitative benefit differences that imply differences in replacement rates and levels of labor supply. We focus on several aspects related to this fact. In a within cohort social security model, we introduce disability insurance with an imperfect screening mechanism. We then vary the wealth level of the model economy and analyze how the optimal social security benefit structure or equivalently, the optimal replacement rates, changes depending on the wealth level of the economy, and if the introduction of disability insurance into a social security system is preferable for all economies. Second, the screening mechanism of disability insurance and the threshold level at which people are defined as disabled can differ. For economies with different wealth levels, we determine for different thresholds the screening level that maximizes social welfare. Finally, part three turns to the income of governments, by adding an element to the controversy on tax competition versus tax harmonization.2 Inter-jurisdictional tax competition can generate at least two potential benefits or costs: On a public level, tax competition may result in a lower or higher efficiency in the production of public services. But there is also a more private benefit in the form of an option for individuals to move to a community with a lower tax rate in the future. To explore the value citizens attach to tax competition we analyze a unique popular vote for a complete tax harmonization between communities in the third largest Swiss canton, Vaud. Although a majority of voters would have seemingly benefited from replacing the current tax rate by a revenue-neutral average tax rate, the proposal was rejected by a large margin. Our estimates suggest that the estimated combined perceived benefit from tax competition is in the range of 10%.

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Public providers have no financial incentive to respect their legal obligation to exempt the poor from user fees. Health Equity Funds (HEFs) aim to make exemptions effective by giving NGOs responsibility for assessing eligibility and compensating providers for lost revenue. We use the geographic spread of HEFs over time in Cambodia to identify their impact on out-of-pocket (OOP) payments. Among households with some OOP payment, HEFs reduce the amount paid by 35%, on average. The effect is larger for households that are poorer and mainly use public health care. Reimbursement of providers through a government operated scheme also reduces household OOP payments but the effect is not as well targeted on the poor. Both compensation models raise household non-medical consumption but have no impact on health-related debt. HEFs reduce the probability of primarily seeking care in the private sector.

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CO2 emissions induced by human activities are the major cause of climate change; hence, strong environmental policy that limits the growing dependence on fossil fuel is indispensable. Tradable permits and environmental taxes are the usual tools used in CO2 reduction strategies. Such economic tools provide incentives to polluting industries to reduce their emissions through market signals. The aim of this work is to investigate the direct and indirect effects of an environmental tax on Spanish products and services. We apply an environmentally extended input-output (EIO) model to identify CO2 emission intensities of products and services and, accordingly, we estimate the tax proportional to these intensities. The short-term price effects are analyzed using an input-output price model. The effect of tax introduction on consumption prices and its influence on consumers’ welfare are determined. We also quantify the environmental impacts of such taxation in terms of the reduction in CO2 emissions. The results, based on the Spanish economy for the year 2007, show that sectors with relatively poor environmental profile are subjected to high environmental tax rates. And consequently, applying a CO2 tax on these sectors, increases production prices and induces a slight increase in consumer price index and a decrease in private welfare. The revenue from the tax could be used to counter balance the negative effects on social welfare and also to stimulate the increase of renewable energy shares in the most impacting sectors. Finally, our analysis highlights that the environmental and economic goals cannot be met at the same time with the environmental taxation and this shows the necessity of finding other (complementary or alternative) measures to ensure both the economic and ecological efficiencies. Keywords: CO2 emissions; environmental tax; input-output model, effects of environmental taxation.

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The history of tax havens is still little known for the decades before World War II. Up to now the studies that have focused on the 1920s and 30s have presented either a very general perspective on the development of tax havens or a narrow national point of view. Based on unpublished historical archives of four countries, this paper offers therefore a new comparative look on international tax competition during this period in order to answer the following question: was the Swiss case - already considered as a quintessential tax haven at the time - specific in comparison to other banking centres? This research has two results. On the one hand, the 1920s and 30s appear as something of a golden age of opportunity for avoiding taxation through the relocation of assets. Actually, most of the financial centres granted consistent tax benefits for imported capital, while the extremely limited degree of international cooperation and the usual guarantee of banking secrecy in European countries prevented the taxation of exported assets. On the other hand, within this general balance sheet, the fiscal strategies of a tax haven like Switzerland differed from those of a great financial power like Great Britain. Whereas the Swiss administration readily placed itself at the service of the bankers, the British policy was more balanced between the contradictory interests of the Board of Inland Revenue, the Treasury and the English business circles.

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This paper estimates the effect of piracy attacks on shipping costs using a unique data set on shipping contracts in the dry bulk market. We look at shipping routes whose shortest path exposes them to piracy attacks and find that the increase in attacks in 2008 lead to around a ten percent increase in shipping costs. We use this estimate to get a sense of the welfare loss imposed by piracy. Our intermediate estimate suggests that the creation of $120 million of revenue for pirates in the Somalia area led to a welfare loss of over $1.5 billion.

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Many Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) establish tuition below the equilibrium price to generate permanent demand excess. This paper first adapts Becker’s (1991) theory to understand why the HEIs price in this way. The fact that students are both consumers and inputs on the education production process gives rise to a market equilibrium where some firms have excess demand and charge high prices, and others charge low prices and have empty seats.Second, the paper analyzes this equilibrium empirically. We estimated the demand for undergraduate courses in Business Administration in the State of São Paulo. The results show that tuition, quality of incoming students and percentage of lecturers holding doctorates degrees are the determining factors of students’ choice. Since the student quality determines the demand for a HEI, it is calculated what the value is for a HEI to get better students; that is the total revenue that each HEI gives up to guarantee excess demand. Regarding the “investment” in selectivity, 39 HEIs in São Paulo give up a combined R$ 5 million (or US$ 3.14 million) in revenue per year per freshman class, which means 7.6% of the revenue coming from a freshman class.

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Customer satisfaction and retention are key issues for organizations in today’s competitive market place. As such, much research and revenue has been invested in developing accurate ways of assessing consumer satisfaction at both the macro (national) and micro (organizational) level, facilitating comparisons in performance both within and between industries. Since the instigation of the national customer satisfaction indices (CSI), partial least squares (PLS) has been used to estimate the CSI models in preference to structural equation models (SEM) because they do not rely on strict assumptions about the data. However, this choice was based upon some misconceptions about the use of SEM’s and does not take into consideration more recent advances in SEM, including estimation methods that are robust to non-normality and missing data. In this paper, both SEM and PLS approaches were compared by evaluating perceptions of the Isle of Man Post Office Products and Customer service using a CSI format. The new robust SEM procedures were found to be advantageous over PLS. Product quality was found to be the only driver of customer satisfaction, while image and satisfaction were the only predictors of loyalty, thus arguing for the specificity of postal services

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This report evaluates the status of unemployment compensation trust fund as of December 31, 2004. The report reviews fund expenditures and fund revenue. It also discusses the fund solvency in terms of fund balance, fund balance adjusted for wage growth and months of benefits at recession levels.

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This paper presents a detailed report of the representative farm analysis (summarized in FAPRI Policy Working Paper #01-00). At the request of several members of the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry of the U.S. Senate, we have continued to analyze the impacts of the Farmers’ Risk Management Act of 1999 (S. 1666) and the Risk Management for the 21st Century Act (S. 1580). Earlier analysis reported in FAPRI Policy Working Paper #04-99 concentrated on the aggregate net farm income and government outlay impacts. The representative farm analysis is conducted for several types of farms, including both irrigated and non-irrigated cotton farms in Tom Green County, Texas; dryland wheat farms in Morton County, North Dakota and Sumner County, Kansas; and a corn farm in Webster County, Iowa. We consider additional factors that may shed light on the differential impacts of the two plans. 1. Farm-level income impacts under alternative weather scenarios. 2. Additional indirect impacts, such as a change in ability to obtain financing. 3. Implications of within-year price shocks. Our results indicate that farmers who buy crop insurance will increase their coverage levels under S. 1580. Farmers with high yield risk find that the 65 percent coverage level maximizes expected returns, but some who feel that they obtain other benefits from higher coverage will find that the S. 1580 subsidy schedule significantly lowers the cost of obtaining the additional coverage. Farmers with lower yield risk find that the increased indemnities from additional coverage will more than offset the increase in producer premium. In addition, because S. 1580 extends its increased premium subsidy percentages to revenue insurance products, farmers will have an increased incentive to buy revenue insurance. Differences in the ancillary benefits from crop insurance under the baseline and S. 1580 would be driven by the increase in insurance participation and buy-up. Given the same levels of insurance participation and buy-up, the ancillary benefits under the two scenarios would be the same.

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Critics of the U.S. proposal to the World Trade Organization (WTO) made in October 2005 are correct when they argue that adoption of the proposal would significantly reduce available support under the current farm program structure. Using historical prices and yields from 1980 to 2004, we estimate that loan rates would have to drop by 9 percent and target prices would have to drop by 10 percent in order to meet the proposed aggregate Amber Box and Blue Box limits. While this finding should cheer those who think that reform of U.S. farm programs is long overdue, it alarms those who want to maintain a strong safety net for U.S. agriculture. The dilemma of needing to reform farm programs while maintaining a strong safety net could be resolved by redesigning programs so that they target revenue rather than price. Building on a base of 70 percent Green Box income insurance, a program that provides a crop-specific revenue guarantee equal to 98 percent of the product of the current effective target price and expected county yield would fit into the proposed aggregate Amber and Blue Box limits. Payments would be triggered whenever the product of the season-average price and county average yield fell below this 98 percent revenue guarantee. Adding the proposed crop-specific constraints lowers the coverage level to 95 percent. Moving from programs that target price to ones that target revenue would eliminate the rationale for ad hoc disaster payments. Program payments would automatically arrive whenever significant crop losses or economic losses caused by low prices occurred. Also, much of the need for the complicated mechanism (the Standard Reinsurance Agreement) that transfers most risk of the U.S. crop insurance to the federal government would be eliminated because the federal government would directly assume the risk through farm programs. Changing the focus of federal farm programs from price targeting to revenue targeting would not be easy. Farmers have long relied on price supports and the knowledge that crop losses are often adequately covered by heavily subsidized crop insurance or by ad hoc disaster payments. Farmers and their leaders would only be willing to support a change to revenue targeting if they see that the current system is untenable in an era of tight federal budgets and WTO limits.

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Movie distribution on the Internet has become more common in recent years along with fast broadband internet connections. The problem so far has been that the greatest part of movie distribution on the Internet has been illegal. This is about to change because the major film distributors are finally starting to rent and sell movies more and more on the Internet due to their growing confidence in new copy protection methods. The importance of movie online distribution to the movie industry is still tiny but it is increasing rapidly as is investing in new business models and distribution methods in the USA and Europe. This thesis examines the basic concepts of online movie distribution, such as distribution techniques and copy protection, the main companies that rent and sell movies on the internet and their business models, the effects of movie piracy and non-commercial distribution channels. The intention was to provide the reader with an overview of different aspects of movie distribution on the Internet and its future. The conclusion was that movie distribution on the Internet will play a bigger financial part in the future although it was still too early to say just how significant that will be. We will probably see many corresponding distribution techniques, like peer-to-peer networks and streaming servers distributing and broadcasting movies to different end-user platforms like television, PC and portable media players. Internet distribution of movies will not revolutionize movie distribution in the next couple of years but it will make possible new efficient and inexpensive ways to distribute movies globally which will in turn increase the possibilities for revenue, especially for small independent movie producers and distributors.