929 resultados para Prevention Policy
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This dissertation focuses on the practice of regulatory governance, throughout the study of the functioning of formally independent regulatory agencies (IRAs), with special attention to their de facto independence. The research goals are grounded on a "neo-positivist" (or "reconstructed positivist") position (Hawkesworth 1992; Radaelli 2000b; Sabatier 2000). This perspective starts from the ontological assumption that even if subjective perceptions are constitutive elements of political phenomena, a real world exists beyond any social construction and can, however imperfectly, become the object of scientific inquiry. Epistemologically, it follows that hypothetical-deductive theories with explanatory aims can be tested by employing a proper methodology and set of analytical techniques. It is thus possible to make scientific inferences and general conclusions to a certain extent, according to a Bayesian conception of knowledge, in order to update the prior scientific beliefs in the truth of the related hypotheses (Howson 1998), while acknowledging the fact that the conditions of truth are at least partially subjective and historically determined (Foucault 1988; Kuhn 1970). At the same time, a sceptical position is adopted towards the supposed disjunction between facts and values and the possibility of discovering abstract universal laws in social science. It has been observed that the current version of capitalism corresponds to the golden age of regulation, and that since the 1980s no government activity in OECD countries has grown faster than regulatory functions (Jacobs 1999). Following an apparent paradox, the ongoing dynamics of liberalisation, privatisation, decartelisation, internationalisation, and regional integration hardly led to the crumbling of the state, but instead promoted a wave of regulatory growth in the face of new risks and new opportunities (Vogel 1996). Accordingly, a new order of regulatory capitalism is rising, implying a new division of labour between state and society and entailing the expansion and intensification of regulation (Levi-Faur 2005). The previous order, relying on public ownership and public intervention and/or on sectoral self-regulation by private actors, is being replaced by a more formalised, expert-based, open, and independently regulated model of governance. Independent regulation agencies (IRAs), that is, formally independent administrative agencies with regulatory powers that benefit from public authority delegated from political decision makers, represent the main institutional feature of regulatory governance (Gilardi 2008). IRAs constitute a relatively new technology of regulation in western Europe, at least for certain domains, but they are increasingly widespread across countries and sectors. For instance, independent regulators have been set up for regulating very diverse issues, such as general competition, banking and finance, telecommunications, civil aviation, railway services, food safety, the pharmaceutical industry, electricity, environmental protection, and personal data privacy. Two attributes of IRAs deserve a special mention. On the one hand, they are formally separated from democratic institutions and elected politicians, thus raising normative and empirical concerns about their accountability and legitimacy. On the other hand, some hard questions about their role as political actors are still unaddressed, though, together with regulatory competencies, IRAs often accumulate executive, (quasi-)legislative, and adjudicatory functions, as well as about their performance.
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It is anticipated that one out of 3 children born in the year 2000 in the United States may develop diabetes. In Switzerland, a population based study in the city of Lausanne (CoLaus) has shown that about 30% of the participants have abnormal glucose homeostasis, and that the prevalence of obesity in the younger age groups has doubled since 1992. In this review, we describe clinical and biological factors associated with an increased risk to develop diabetes and summarize the most important intervention studies that have shown a beneficial effect in the prevention of diabetes. While life style modifications should be recommended for everybody, the place of pharmacological interventions (oral hypoglycemic agents, blood pressure and cholesterol lowering agents) is more controversial.
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Aim: The relative effectiveness of different methods of prevention of HIV transmission is a subject of debate that is renewed with the integration of each new method. The relative weight of values and evidence in decision-making is not always clearly defined. Debate is often confused, as the proponents of different approaches address the issue at different levels of implementation. This paper defines and delineates the successive levels of analysis of effectiveness, and proposes a conceptual framework to clarify debate. Method / Issue: Initially inspired from work on contraceptive effectiveness, a first version of the conceptual framework was published in 1993 with definition of the Condom Effectiveness Matrix (Spencer, 1993). The framework has since integrated and further developed thinking around distinctions made between efficacy and effectiveness and has been applied to HIV prevention in general. Three levels are defined: theoretical effectiveness (ThE), use-effectiveness (UseE) and population use-effectiveness (PopUseE). For example, abstinence and faithfulness, as proposed in the ABC strategy, have relatively high theoretical effectiveness but relatively low effectiveness at subsequent levels of implementation. The reverse is true of circumcision. Each level is associated with specific forms of scientific enquiry and associated research questions: basic and clinical sciences with ThE; clinical and social sciences with UseE; epidemiology and social, economic and political sciences with PopUseE. Similarly, the focus of investigation moves from biological organisms, to the individual at the physiological and then psychological, social and ecological level, and finally takes as perspective populations and societies as a whole. The framework may be applied to analyse issues on any approach. Hence, regarding consideration of HIV treatment as a means of prevention, examples of issues at each level would be: ThE: achieving adequate viral suppression and non-transmission to partners; UseE: facility and degree of adherence to treatment and medical follow-up; PopUseE: perceived validity of strategy, feasibility of achieving adequate population coverage. Discussion: Use of the framework clarifies the questions that need to be addressed at all levels in order to improve effectiveness. Furthermore, the interconnectedness and complementary nature of research from the different scientific disciplines and the relative contribution of each become apparent. The proposed framework could bring greater rationality to the prevention effectiveness debate and facilitate communication between stakeholders.
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Trypanosoma cruzi is a protozoan infection widely spread in Latin America, from Mexico in the north to Argentina and Chile in the south. The second most important way of acquiring the infection is by blood transfusion. Even if most countries of Latin America have law/decree/norms, that make mandatory the screening of blood donors for infectious diseases, including T. cruzi (El Salvador and Nicaragua do not have laws on the subject), there is usually no enforcement or it is very lax. Analysis of published serologic surveys of T. cruzi antibodies in blood donors done in 1993, indicating the number of donors and screening coverage for T. cruzi in ten countries of Central and South America indicated that the probability of receiving a potentially infected transfusion unit in each country varied from 1,096 per 10,000 transfusions in Bolivia, the highest, to 13.02 or 13.86 per 10,000 transfusions in Honduras and Venezuela respectively, where screening coverage was 100%. On the other hand the probability of transmitting a T. cruzi infected unit was 219/10,000 in Bolivia, 24/10,000 in Colombia, 17/10,000 in El Salvador, and around 2-12/10,000 for the seven other countries. Infectivity risks defined as the likelihood of being infected when receiving an infected transfusion unit were assumed to be 20% for T. cruzi. Based on this, estimates of the absolute number of infections induced by transfusion indicated that they were 832, 236, and 875 in Bolivia, Chile and Colombia respectively. In all the other countries varied from seven in Honduras to 85 in El Salvador. Since 1993, the situation has improved. At that time only Honduras and Venezuela screened 100% of donors, while seven countries, Argentina, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela, did the same in 1996. In Central America, without information from Guatemala, the screening of donors for T. cruzi prevented the transfusion of 1,481 infected units and the potential infection of 300 individuals in 1996. In the same year, in seven countries of South America, the screening prevented the transfusion of 36,017 infected units and 7, 201 potential cases of transfusional infection.
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The policy analysis tool provides a framework to review government and other relevant agency policy related to the proposal.
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Aim: In Western Europe, HIV/AIDS prevention has been based on the provision of information intended to lead the public to voluntarily adapt their behaviour so as to avoid the risk of virus transmission. Whether conveyed in a written or oral form, the messages of prevention are essentially verbal. Sociolinguistic research confirms that, even within a given culture, the meaning attributed to lexical items varies. It was hypothesised that understandings of the terms used in HIV/AIDS prevention in French-speaking Switzerland would vary, and research was undertaken to identify the level and nature of this variation both between and among those who transmit (prevention providers) and those who receive (the public) the messages. Method/issue: All HIV/AIDS prevention material available in French-speaking Switzerland in 2004 was assembled and a corpus of 50 key documents identified. Two series of lexical items were generated from this corpus: one composed of technical terms potentially difficult to understand, and the other, of terms used in everyday language with implicit, and therefore potentially variable, meaning. The two lists of terms were investigated in qualitative interviews in stratified purposive samples of the general public (n=60) and prevention providers (n=30), using standard socio-linguistic methodology. A further quantitative study (CATI) in the general population (17 - 49 yrs.; n=500) investigated understandings of 15 key prevention terms found in the qualitative research to have been associated with high levels of dissension. Results/comments: Selected aspects of the results will be presented. In illustration: meanings attributed to the different terms in both the public and the providers varied. For example, when a relationship is described as "stable", this may be understood as implying exclusive sexual relations or long duration, with an interaction between the two traits; the term "sexual intercourse" may or may not be used to refer to oral sex; "making love" may or may not necessarily include an act of penetration; the pre-ejaculate is qualified by some as sperm, and by others not... Understanding of frequently used "technical" terms in prevention was far from universal; for example, around only a half of respondents understood the meaning of "safer sex". Degree of understanding of these terms was linked to education, whereas variability in meaning in everyday language was not linked to socio-economic variables. Discussion: Findings indicate the need for more awareness regarding the heterogeneity of meaning around the terms regularly used in prevention. Greater attention should be paid to the formulation of prevention messages, and providers should take precautions to ensure that the meanings they wish to convey are those perceived by the receivers of their messages. Wherever possible, terms used should be defined and meanings rendered explicit.
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This introductory brief has been written as a response to a request for information on HIA and waste management, with particular reference to incineration. EU legislation forms the basis for much of Irish waste management policy. Waste Management – Taking Stock and Moving Forward (2004) sets targets for increased prevention and minimisation, encourages reuse and gives preference to recovery and recycling, which is in line with the EU’s Sixth Environmental Action Plan (2002). In the area of waste incineration, the Waste Incineration Directive (2000/76/EC) has been transposed into Irish law and sets operating requirements for the incineration of waste.
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Cooperation and Working Together (CAWT), the cross border health and social care partnership has been working with the Departments of Health to progress a three year cross border obesity prevention and management project aimed at families. They have been successful in securing funding from the EU INTERREG IVA programme. A planning workshop focussing on this will be held on Friday 26 June 2009.
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The World Health Organization reports that overweight and obesity have reached epidemic proportions globally and estimates that approximately 1.6 billion adults and at least 20 million children under the age of five are overweight or obese. It is accepted that being overweight or obese increases the risk of health conditions such as heart disease, stroke, diabetes and some cancers and has significant impacts on a wide range of other factors including education, employment and emotional wellbeing. This conference aimed to present a multisectoral audience with the latest developments in overweight and obesity prevention and management. This presentation was given by Dr. Kevin Balanda, Institute of Public Health in Ireland. The Institute of Public Health in Ireland (IPH) is leading the development of an All-Ireland obesity observatory The obesity observatory development is being undertaken in collaboration with: - HRB Centre for Health and Diet Research ヨ UCC /UCD - Centre of Excellence for Public Health (NI) - QUB Projected outcomes: Adequate sample size Data to be sought and recorded Usefulness of a database in influencing policy Value to clinicians in management of obesity
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Community education needs to be supported by strong public policy if it is to be fully effective at tackling food poverty and obesity, a project evaluation by the Institute of Public Health in Ireland (IPH) has found. In its evaluation of Decent Food for All (DFfA) - a major project to improve community diet and health - IPH found that where people live and shop had a greater impact on their diet than their own individual awareness and attitudes. Access Tackling Food Poverty: lessons from the Decent Food for All intervention at www.publichealth.ie DFfA was funded by safefood (the Food Safety Promotion Board) and the Food Standards Agency Northern Ireland. The project lasted four years and included hundreds of community education activities designed to improve diet in poorer parts of Armagh and South Tyrone. safefood commissioned IPH to undertake the evaluation of DFfA. Dr. Kevin Balanda, IPH Associate Director, said 'The aim of the project was to reduce food poverty (this is defined as not being able to consume adequate healthy food) and improve health in the target communities. DFfA delivered over 370 core activities to 3,100 residents including local education talks on diet, cookery workshops, fresh fruit in schools, healthy food tastings and information stands. One in eight residents in the target areas participated in at least one of these activities.' The evaluation found that over 1 in 5 adults in the target areas reported they had cut their weekly food spending in the last six months to pay other household bills such as rent, electricity and gas. During the four years of the DFfA activities, this percentage had not changed significantly. There were mixed changes in the nature of food in local stores. While the overall availability and price of food increased, both モhealthierヤ food and モunhealthierヤ food were included in that increase. It was only in the larger モmultiple/discount freezerヤ type of shops that the overall price of food had decreased.
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Published by Public Health, April 2009 IPH recently coordinated and was guest editor for a minisymposium on Health Impact Assessment for the journal, Public Health. Three aricles contributed to the minisymposium which included an article from IPH on how HIA can contribute to healthy public policy. An article reviewing the right to the highest attainable standard of health from Paul Hunt and Gillian MacNaughton and a review of the strengths and weakneses of quantitiative methods used in HIA from Emer O'Connell and Fintan Hurley. The minisymposium evolved from the 8th International HIA conference ‘Healthy Public Policy – is Health Impact Assessment the Cornerstone’ hosted by IPH.
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Independent regulatory agencies are one of the main institutional features of the 'rising regulatory state' in Western Europe. Governments are increasingly willing to abandon their regulatory competencies and to delegate them to specialized institutions that are at least partially beyond their control. This article examines the empirical consistency of one particular explanation of this phenomenon, namely the credibility hypothesis, claiming that governments delegate powers so as to enhance the credibility of their policies. Three observable implications are derived from the general hypothesis, linking credibility and delegation to veto players, complexity and interdependence. An independence index is developed to measure agency independence, which is then used in a multivariate analysis where the impact of credibility concerns on delegation is tested. The analysis relies on an original data set comprising independence scores for thirty-three regulators. Results show that the credibility hypothesis can explain a good deal of the variation in delegation. The economic nature of regulation is a strong determinant of agency independence, but is mediated by national institutions in the form of veto players.