924 resultados para Maastricht Treaty
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O colono português Gabriel Soares de Sousa apresentou à corte de Felipe II da Espanha, por volta de 1587, um dos mais importantes registros sobre o Brasil quinhentista, o Tratado descritivo do Brasil em 1587, e o bem menos conhecido Capítulos de Gabriel Soares de Sousa contra os padres da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil. Esta tese apresenta uma análise da história destes manuscritos quinhentistas, examinado como chegaram até os seus formatos atuais e as suas leituras através dos tempos.
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Esta pesquisa aborda em primeiro momento os conceitos de crimes de perigo abstrato e concreto. Estendeu a ideia de crime e as funções do Direito Penal na sociedade contemporânea, como ainda evidencia esta área do Direito no sistema e/ou estrutura do mundo da vida. Os dois casos de crimes de perigo abstrato e concreto foram propostos nos estudos acerca do artigo 306 do Código de Trânsito Brasileiro CTB no tratado à embriaguez ao volante e a constitucionalidade ou não da aplicação do crime de perigo abstrato ao caso em específico. Nesta perspectiva as análises se configuraram nos relatos dos Tribunais de Justiça dos Estados do Rio de Janeiro e de Rondônia a fim de significar as tipificações em tela, bem como às relações intersubjetivas dos desembargadores e à própria organização de cada órgão judiciário. Dessas análises foi possível chegar à interpretação das diferenças entre o crime de perigo abstrato e concreto presentes nas incidências e/ou ocorrências de acidentes de trânsito nos dois Estados respectivamente. Em um terceiro momento centrou-se as análises nos estudos socioeconômicos e culturais que tratam de entender o fenômeno do trânsito nos municípios de Porto Velho-RO e Rio de Janeiro-RJ, cujos acidentes nas vias públicas modificam os modos de ser e de viver nos locais. Do ponto de vista metodológico a ideia é conceituar os crimes de perigo concreto e abstrato; os riscos da sociedade atual, se utilizando muitas vezes de Niklas Luhmann e Raffaele De Giorgi; Leonel S. Rocha; Renato de Mello Jorge Silveira; Jorge Luis Fortes Pinheiro da Câmara; Aparecida Luzia Alzira Zuin, Jürgen Habermas, Juarez Estevam Xavier Tavares; Eduardo Sanz de Oliveira Silva; Winfried Hassemer; Antônio Carlos Wolkmer e José Rubens Morato Leite; Diego Romero, entre outros. A fim de entender o que é perigo no escopo abrangido pelo Direito Penal, tomamos como embasamentos teóricos Luiz H. Merlin; Sánchez Silva, Luís Greco, Claus Roxin, Nilo Batista etc. Além desses autores, a tese se apoia nos teóricos: Juarez Tavares, Luiz Alberto Machado; E. Raúl Zaffaroni; Alexandre de Moraes. Ainda, complementamos as referências com Luiz Regis Prado; Nilo Batista. Estende-se à ideia aos crimes de perigo abstrato e direito penal brasileiro; aqui, encontramos subsídios em: Celso Delmanto; Luiz Flávio Gomes, dentre outros. Vale mencionar que neste diapasão, a proposta é conceituar e exemplificar os princípios legitimadores do Direito Penal frente à proposta fundamental da Constituição Federal de 1988. Ainda, conceituar e descrever os objetivos do CTB; as aplicações legais ou não do Art. 306 do CTB; e a definição e/ou classificação de embriaguez nesta linha de pensamento.
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Washington depends on a healthy coastal and marine ecosystem to maintain a thriving economy and vibrant communities. These ecosystems support critical habitats for wildlife and a growing number of often competing ocean activities, such as fishing, transportation, aquaculture, recreation, and energy production. Planners, policy makers and resource managers are being challenged to sustainably balance ocean uses, and environmental conservation in a finite space and with limited information. This balancing act can be supported by spatial planning. Marine spatial planning (MSP) is a planning process that enables integrated, forward looking, and consistent decision making on the human uses of the oceans and coasts. It can improve marine resource management by planning for human uses in locations that reduce conflict, increase certainty, and support a balance among social, economic, and ecological benefits we receive from ocean resources. In March 2010, the Washington state legislature enacted a marine spatial planning law (RCW §43.372) to address resource use conflicts in Washington waters. In 2011, a report to the legislature and a workshop on human use data provided guidance for the marine spatial planning process. The report outlines a set of recommendations for the State to effectively undertake marine spatial planning and this work plan will support some of these recommendations, such as: federal integration, regional coordination, developing mechanisms to integrate scientific and technical expertise, developing data standards, and accessing and sharing spatial data. In 2012 the Governor amended the existing law to focus funding on mapping and ecosystem assessments for Washington’s Pacific coast and the legislature provided $2.1 million in funds to begin marine spatial planning off Washington’s coast. The funds are appropriated through the Washington Department of Natural Resources Marine Resources Stewardship Account with coordination among the State Ocean Caucus, the four Coastal Treaty Tribes, four coastal Marine Resource Committees and the newly formed stakeholder body, the Washington Coastal Marine Advisory Council.
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Odello, Marco, 'Thirty Years After Helsinki: Proposals for OSCE's Reform', Journal of Conflict and Security Law, (2005) 10(3):435-449 RAE2008
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Wheeler, Nicholas. 'The Kosovo Bombing Campaign', In: The Politics of International Law, C. Reus-Smit (Ed.), (Cambridge Studies in International Relations 96. Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 189-216, 2004. 1. Introduction Christian Reus-Smit; 2. The politics of international law Christian Reus-Smit; 3. When states use armed force Dino Kritsiotis; 4. Soft law, hard politics, and the Climate Change Treaty Robyn Eckersley; 5. Emerging customary norms, and anti-personnel landmines Richard Price; 6. International law, politics, and migrant rights Amy Gurowitz; 7. The International Criminal Court David Wippman; 8. The Kosovo bombing campaign Nicholas Wheeler; 9. International financial institutions Antony Anghie; 10. Law, politics, and international governance Wayne Sandholtz and Alec Stone Sweet; 11. Socety, power, and ethics Christian Reus-Smit. RAE2008
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Priest, A. (2005). In Common Cause: The NATO Multilateral Force and Mixed-Manning Demonstration on USS Claude V. Ricketts, 1964-1965. Journal of Military History, 69 (3), 759-789. RAE2008
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Trotter, David, Albucasis, Traitier de Cyrurgie: Edition de la traduction en ancien fran?ais de la Chirurgie d'Abu'l Qasim Halaf Ibn ?Abbas al-Zahrawi du manuscrit BNF, fran?ais 1318 (Niemeyer, 2005)
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Zwiększanie składu Parlamentu Europejskiego jest zjawiskiem zrozumiałym i związanym z rozszerzaniem się Unii o kolejne państwa. Zazwyczaj zwiększenie składu PE następuje wraz z rozpoczęciem nowej kadencji. Niniejszy artykuł omawia jednakże przypadek zwiększenia składu PE podczas trwającej kadencji. Konieczność zwiększenia liczby mandatów przypadających części państw wywołana została wejściem w życie Traktatu Lizbońskiego, przewidującego zwiększenie liczby mandatów do PE z 736 do 754. W Traktacie nie umieszczono przepisu wskazującego, że przepisy dotyczące składu PE wejdą w życie od nowej kadencji, co zrodziło szereg problemów związanych przede wszystkim z wyborem trybu obsady dodatkowych mandatów. Rada Europejska zaproponowała 3 sposoby obsady dodatkowych mandatów: na podstawie wyników wyborów z czerwca 2009 r., w drodze wyborów przeprowadzonych ad hoc, przez parlamenty narodowe spośród swych członków. Wszystkie państwa członkowskie, w tym Polska, zdecydowały się na wybór pierwszego ze wskazanych sposobów. Zdaniem autora, przyjęty w Polsce sposób obsady dodatkowego mandatu dokonany na podstawie przeprowadzonych już wyborów jest wątpliwy z punktu widzenia zgodności z Konstytucją RP.
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This study aims to present the conditions related to the European Union’s involvement in the Arab Spring, as well as examine the extent of this capability-based involvement in the first months of 2011 against the background of competence disputes between institutions and inter-governmental contentions. These considerations will be the basis for conclusions on the theoretical and practical viability of the European Union’s action in the region of North Africa, in terms of both interests defined in Brussels and representation of a jointly agreed position and undertaking practical actions in the international arena. These assumptions can facilitate a new perspective for the EU’s strategic approach framework in the region of North Africa.
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The primary objective of this thesis is to examine the development of monetary policy and banking in southern Ireland from the attainment of independence in 1922 (gained through the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921) to the establishment of the Central Bank of Ireland in 1943. This research serves to challenge the overwhelming concentration on the findings of a small number of major works, most notably by Ronan Fanning, Maurice Moynihan and Cormac Ó’Gráda, in the existing historiography. This thesis is based on the research hypothesis that there were two key factors impacting on the development of monetary and banking institutions in Ireland in the 1922-1943 period. First, an exogenous institutional context, primarily Anglo-Irish in focus, in which the wider macroeconomic landscape directly influenced monetary policy and banking in Ireland. Second, an individualist context in which the development of relationships between key individuals dictated development patterns and institutional structures. This research highlights that key Irish policymakers, such as Joseph Brennan, evidenced a more flexible and realistic approach to banking and monetary affairs than is currently recognised. It also develops three further issues which have been overlooked in the existing historiography. First, a germ of monetary reform existed in Ireland from as early as the mid-1920s and was consistent in promoting alternative policies in the period to 1943. Second, this research challenges the view that the creation of the Currency Commission in 1927 and the establishment of the Central Bank of Ireland in 1943 were insignificant events given the continued stagnation in Irish monetary policy in the decades after 1943. Third, this thesis identifies that wider international trends did influence Irish monetary and banking affairs in the 1922-43 period. At both an institutional and more individual level the process of monetary institution building in Ireland was directly impacted by wider international experiences.
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Robert Briscoe was the Dublin born son of Lithuanian and German-Jewish immigrants. As a young man he joined Sinn Féin and was an important figure in the War of Independence due to a role as one of the IRA’s main gun-procuring agents. He took the anti-Treaty side during an internecine Civil War, mainly due to the influence of Eamon de Valera and retained a filial devotion towards him for the rest of his life. In 1926 he was a founding member of Fianna Fáil, de Valera’s breakaway republican party, which would dominate twentieth-century Irish politics. He was first elected as a Fianna Fáil T.D. (Teachta Dála, Deputy to the Dáil) in 1927, and successfully defended his seat eleven times becoming the first Jewish Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1956, an honour that was repeated in 1961. On this basis alone, it can be argued that Briscoe was a significant presence in an embryonic Irish political culture; however, when his role in the 1930s Jewish immigration endeavor is acknowledged, it is clear that he played a unique part in one of the most contentious political and social discourses of the pre-war years. This was reinforced when Briscoe embraced Zionism in a belated realisation that the survival of his European co-religionists could only be guaranteed if an independent Jewish state existed. This information is to a certain degree public knowledge; however, the full extent of his involvement as an immigration advocate for potential Jewish refugees, and the seniority he achieved in the New Zionist Organisation (Revisionists) has not been fully recognised. This is partly explicable because researchers have based their assessment of Briscoe on an incomplete political archive in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The vast majority of documentation pertaining to his involvement in the immigration endeavor has not been available to scholars and remains the private property of Robert Briscoe’s son, Ben Briscoe. The lack of immigration files in the NLI was reinforced by the fact that information about Briscoe’s Revisionist engagement was donated to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv and can only be accessed physically by visiting Israel. Therefore, even though these twin endeavors have been commented on by a number of academics, their assessments have tended to be based on an incomplete archive, which was supplemented by Briscoe’s autobiographical memoir published in 1958. This study will attempt to fill in the missing gaps in Briscoe’s complex political narrative by incorporating the rarely used private papers of Robert Briscoe, and the difficult to access Briscoe files in Tel Aviv. This undertaking was only possible when Mr.Ben Briscoe graciously granted me full and unrestricted access to his father’s papers, and after a month-long research trip to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv. Access to this rarely used documentation facilitated a holistic examination of Briscoe’s complex and multifaceted political reality. It revealed the full extent of Briscoe’s political and social evolution as the Nazi instigated Jewish emigration crisis reached catastrophic proportions. He was by turn Fianna Fáil nationalist, Jewish immigration advocate and senior Revisionist actor on a global stage. The study will examine the contrasting political and social forces that initiated each stage of Briscoe’s Zionist awakening, and in the process will fill a major gap in Irish-Jewish historiography by revealing the full extent of his Revisionist engagement.
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Computer based mathematical models describing the aircraft evacuation process have a vital role to play in the design and development of safer aircraft, in the implementation of safer and more rigorous certification criteria and in post mortuuum accident investigation. As the risk of personal injury and costs involved in performing large-scale evacuation experiments for the next generation 'Ultra High Capacity Aircraft' (UHCA) are expected to be high, the development and use of these evacuation modelling tools may become essential if these aircraft are to prove a viable reality. In this paper the capabilities and limitation of the air-EXODUS evacuation model are described. Its successful application to the prediction of a recent certificaiton trial, prior to the actual trial taking place, is described. Also described is a newly defined parameter known as OPS which can be used as a measure of evacuation trial optimality. Finally, the data requirements of aircraft evacuation models is discussed along with several projects currently underway at the University of Greenwich designed to obtain this data. Included in this discussion is a description of the AASK - Aircraft Accident Statistics and Knowledge - data base which contains detailed information from aircraft accident survivors.
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Computer based mathematical models describing aircraft fire have a role to play in the design and development of safer aircraft, in the implementation of safer and more rigorous certification criteria and in post mortuum accident investigation. As the cost involved in performing large-scale fire experiments for the next generation 'Ultra High Capacity Aircraft' (UHCA) are expected to be prohibitively high, the development and use of these modelling tools may become essential if these aircraft are to prove a safe and viable reality. By describing the present capabilities and limitations of aircraft fire models, this paper will examine the future development of these models in the areas of large scale applications through parallel computing, combustion modelling and extinguishment modelling.
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Investment treaties, and possibly the EU Treaty itself, are being used by multinational companies Penta and Eureko to try and force the Slovak government to pay compensation for reversing health privatisation and liberalisation policies. Similar action has been used against the Polish government by Eureko to win compensation worth nearly 2 billion Euros and a policy commitment to further privatisation.