851 resultados para Indonesia -- Politics and government -- 1966-1998


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La Playa es un sector de la ciudad de Bogotá, donde se encuentra la oferta de músicos informales más grande de Colombia: mariachis, tríos de cuerda y grupos vallenatos. En esta investigación, se analiza la migración de músicos vallenatos provenientes del Caribe colombiano a este sector de la capital del país; se examina el trabajo de estos músicos en La Playa; y se revisa el proceso de consolidación del vallenato como música nacional.

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Esta investigación se centra en la Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) como organización política. Intenta responder dos interrogantes primordiales: 1) ¿cómo la FIFA ha constituido el poder que tiene actualmente y, así, hacerse del monopolio indiscutido del fútbol? Y 2) ¿cómo ha cambiado en el tiempo la política interna de FIFA y su vínculo con la política internacional? Para lograr esto, se realiza un estudio histórico, basado principalmente en documentos, que intenta caracterizar y analizar los cambios de la organización en el tiempo. Se enfatizan las últimas dos presidencias de FIFA, de João Havelange y Joseph Blatter, como casos de estudio.

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Esta investigación tiene como objetivo evidenciar la tensión entre legalidad y legitimidad, a raíz de la intervención de Estados Unidos en Irak en el año 2003. Dicha tensión es el resultado de la implementación de procedimientos democráticos que promovieron cambios legales en el gobierno iraquí. Sin embargo, fue la instrumentalización de tales procedimientos lo que generó una falta de legitimidad del gobierno iraquí por parte de algunos sectores sociales, debido a los intereses económicos, políticos y sociales que tenían aquellos grupos que detentaban el poder. La investigación ofrece un análisis sobre Irak bajo los conceptos de democracia formal, democracia sustancial, legalidad y legitimidad, con el propósito de comprender de manera detallada el tipo de democracia que se estableció en Irak y las tensiones generadas en la sociedad iraquí.

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Because of the importance and potential usefulness of construction market statistics to firms and government, consistency between different sources of data is examined with a view to building a predictive model of construction output using construction data alone. However, a comparison of Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and Office for National Statistics (ONS) series shows that the correlation coefcient (used as a measure of consistency) of the DTI output and DTI orders data and the correlation coefficient of the DTI output and ONS output data are low. It is not possible to derive a predictive model of DTI output based on DTI orders data alone. The question arises whether or not an alternative independent source of data may be used to predict DTI output data. Independent data produced by Emap Glenigan (EG), based on planning applications, potentially offers such a source of information. The EG data records the value of planning applications and their planned start and finish dates. However, as this data is ex ante and is not correlated with DTI output it is not possible to use this data to describe the volume of actual construction output. Nor is it possible to use the EG planning data to predict DTI construc-tion orders data. Further consideration of the issues raised reveal that it is not practically possible to develop a consistent predictive model of construction output using construction statistics gathered at different stages in the development process.

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Services are very important to the UK balance of trade; a surplus has been recorded for trade in services every year since 1966. Construction professional services exports (CPS), which cover architecture, engineering and surveying (AES), have also increased, contributing over £3bn to the UK trade balance in 2007. The changing environment of construction professional services exports complicates the validity of the characteristics and definitions of services as described in the research literature and official export statistics. Through semi-structured interviews undertaken with large consulting engineers and a round-table discussion with industry and government representatives, the research found that the impact of globalisation and the changes in the construction business environment, such as increasing foreign ownership and changing forms of procurement, are not fully reflected in the official statistics. There have also been rapid changes in technology, procurement and methods of delivery which have impacted exporting AES firms and a more appropriate set of characteristics is needed to better reflect the project-specific and knowledge-intensive nature of AES firms.

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The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

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This article contends that the papacy and ultramontane Catholicism played a pivotal role in the democratization of culture in Second Empire France. Drawing upon recent scholarship, which argues that religion played an important role in the constitution of mass democracies in modern Europe, this article revisits the pamphlet campaign led by Mgr Gaston de Ségur at the height of the Italian question in February 1860. Ségur made the most of the freedom of expression enjoyed by the Catholic Church in France in an attempt to direct Catholic opinion, and place pressure on the French government over its diplomatic relations with the pope. New archive material, notably Ségur’s correspondence with the leading Catholic journalist of the time, Louis Veuillot, sheds further light on Rome’s interventions in French culture and politics and its consequences. The article demonstrates that one of the most important, if unintended, results of the ultramontane campaign was to trigger reforms to the cultural sphere, and the granting of freedoms to their political enemies: the Republicans and freethinkers.

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In this paper microlevel politics and conflict associated with social and economic change in the countryside and linked changes in rural governance are explored with a focus upon research carried out on a recent rural policy initiative aimed at local 'empowerment'. This acts as a touchstone for a wider theoretical discussion. The paper is theorised within a conceptual framework derived and extended from the work of Pierre Bourdieu and others in order to explore case studies of the English Countryside Commission's Parish Paths Partnership scheme. The micropolitics involved with this scheme are examined and used to highlight more general issues raised by increased 'parish empowerment' in the 'postrural'.

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Earlier accounting works have shown that an understanding of agenda entry is critical to better understanding the accounting standards setting process. Consider Walker and Robinson (1993; 1994) and Ryan (1998); and more generally agenda entrance as theorized in Kingdon (2011). In 2003, the IASB placed on its agenda a project to promulgate a standard for small and medium-sized entities (SMEs). This provides our focus. It seemed to be a departure from the IASB’s constitutional focus on capital market participants. Kingdon’s three-streams model of agenda entry helps to identify some of the complexities related to politics and decision making messiness that resulted in a standard setting project for simplified IFRS, misleadingly titled IFRS for SMEs. Complexities relate to the broader international regulatory context, including the boundaries of the IASB’s standard-setting jurisdiction, the role of board members in changing those boundaries, and such sensitivities over the language that the IASB could not agree on a suitably descriptive title. The paper shows similarities with earlier agenda entrance studies by Walker and Robinson (1994) and Ryan (1998). By drawing on interviewees’ recollections and other material it especially reinforces the part played by the nuanced complexities that influence what emerges as an international accounting standard.

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The paper provides a theoretical insight into bank regulation and the process of internationalisation by examining the concepts of regulatory push and market pull within the context of Japanese bank entry into London during the 1980s. Rugman and Verbeke's [(1998). Corporate strategy and international environmental policy. Journal of International Business Studies, 29(4), 819–833] Consistency of Home and Host Government Goals model is utilised to structure the discussion, which centres on a situation where there is a conflict of goals between multinational enterprises (MNEs) and the home government but goal alignment between MNEs and the host government. As such the paper examines a relatively under-researched aspect of internationalisation and concludes that in certain circumstances internationalisation can occur despite great ‘psychic distance’. The paper also argues that although bank regulation can lead to a conflict situation it can also be conducive to the development of a strong home base and the development of firm specific advantages.

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The aim of the study was to see if any relationship between government spending andunemployment could be empirically found. To test if government spending affectsunemployment, a statistical model was applied on data from Sweden. The data was quarterlydata from the year 1994 until 2012, unit-root test were conducted and the variables wheretransformed to its first-difference so ensure stationarity. This transformation changed thevariables to growth rates. This meant that the interpretation deviated a little from the originalgoal. Other studies reviewed indicate that when government spending increases and/or taxesdecreases output increases. Studies show that unemployment decreases when governmentspending/GDP ratio increases. Some studies also indicated that with an already largegovernment sector increasing the spending it could have negative effect on output. The modelwas a VAR-model with unemployment, output, interest rate, taxes and government spending.Also included in the model were a linear and three quarterly dummies. The model used 7lags. The result was not statistically significant for most lags but indicated that as governmentspending growth rate increases holding everything else constant unemployment growth rateincreases. The result for taxes was even less statistically significant and indicates norelationship with unemployment. Post-estimation test indicates that there were problems withnon-normality in the model. So the results should be interpreted with some scepticism.

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Recent years have seen an emerging civil society in an authoritarian China. The authoritarian embrace of civil society challenges the conventional wisdom that civil society is closely linked to democracy. In Beijing, the rhetoric of civil society linked less to democracy than to modernization. However, does civil society development have any impact on democratization in authoritarian regimes? The thesis tries to provide a tentative answer by studying civil society and democratization in post-Mao China. As a result of economic development and political reforms, gradual political liberalization has marked a shift of state-society relations that gives rise to a certain degree of democratization and a growing civil society. The thesis uses a statistical correlation study to examine the relations between grassroots democratization and civil society development. The study concludes that civil society development may have contributed to democratization at the grassroots level but not on the national level. The impact of civil society on democratization depends on the political structure of the state and will remain limited unless the government allows for further state-led democratic openings.

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In this paper we bridge the gap between special interest politics and political business cycle literature. We build a framework where the interplay between the lobby power of special interest groups and the voting power of the majority of the population leads to political business cycles. We apply our set up to explain electoral cycles in government expenditure composition, aggregate expenditures and real exchange rates.

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O objetivo desta pesquisa é mostrar que há uma relação positiva entre a estabilidade política-institucional, a credibilidade e a taxa de poupança privada. Parte da literatura recente sobre disparidades entre taxas de poupança usa um argumento de economia política para explicar como a instabilidade política-institucional pode afetar as decisões públicas que determinam a poupança pública, mas não sugere da mesma forma que tal instabilidade pode atingir negativamente a poupança privada. Analisar-se-á esta lacuna da teoria partindo-se do referencial teórico da Nova Economia Institucional (NEI), onde salienta-se, nos processos de decisão privada de acumulação de ativos, o papel do governo gartantindo (i) a estabilidade das regras de mercado e (ii) os direitos de propriedade. A pesquisa envolverá uma análise teórica microeconômica da determinação da poupança privada usando a visão da NEI. O interesse prático fundamental da pesquisa é tentar justificar, em parte, os baixos níveis de poupança na América Latina usando um argumento institucionalista e, desta forma, propor ações de governo e reformas.