Vital democracy:a theory of democracy in action - by Frank Hendricks

Book review: Frank Hendriks, Oxford University Press, 2010, 256 pp., £47 ($85.00) (hb), ISBN-13: 9780199572786

Renewing local democracy? The modernization agenda in British local government

Book review: Lawrence Pratchett (ed.), F. Cass, 2000 152 pp. £35.00 (hb), £16.50 (pb)

Inequality, democracy and taxation:lessons from the post-Communist transition

Using data for the period 1989 – 2002, we examine the determinants of income inequality in post-communist economies. We find a strong positive association between equality and tax collection but note that this relationship is significantly stronger under authoritarian regimes than under democracies. We also discover that countries introducing sustainable democratic institutions early are characterised by lower inequality. We also confirm that education fosters equality and find that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

Invalid ballots and the “crisis of representative democracy”:re-inventing protest at the 2012 Serbian elections

This article examines the ways in which invalidated electoral ballots may be articulated as acts of protest. We argue that some instances of ballot invalidation can be understood as protest and as a reaction to the broader “crises of democracy” which have also spurred on movements such as Occupy. We focus on Serbia’s 2012 elections as a case study, given the high increases in invalid ballots and calls for collective action calling for ballot invalidation. We discuss protest movements which coalesced around this election, calling for electoral ballot invalidation and using social media to frame this activity as protest. Through our case study, we explore the ways in which the ballot can become a tool of contention, and how protest can be expressed through an engagement with extant structures and institutions.

Priming moral self-ambivalence heightens deliberative behaviour in self-ambivalent individuals

Background: Recent work on cognitive-behavioural models of obsessive-compulsive disorder has focused on the roles played by various aspects of self-perception. In particular, moral self-ambivalence has been found to be associated with obsessive-compulsive phenomena. Aims: In this study we used an experimental task to investigate whether artificially priming moral self-ambivalence would increase participants' deliberation on ethical problems, an index that might be analogous to obsessive-compulsive behaviour. Method: Non-clinical participants completed two online tasks designed to prime either moral self-ambivalence, general uncertainty, or neither. All participants then completed a task requiring them to consider solutions to moral dilemmas. We recorded the time participants took to respond to the dilemmas and the length of their responses; we then combined these variables to create a measure of deliberation. Results: Priming moral self-ambivalence led to increases in deliberation, but this was only significant among those participants who scored highly on a baseline measure of moral self-ambivalence. Priming general uncertainty had no significant effect upon deliberation. Conclusions: The results suggest that moral self-ambivalence may play a role in the maintenance of obsessive-compulsive behaviour. We propose that individuals who are morally self-ambivalent might respond to situations in which this ambivalence is made salient by exhibiting behaviour with obsessive-compulsive characteristics. These findings have implications for the incorporation of ideas about self-concept into theories of obsessive-compulsive disorder.

Computer Democracy - Our Next Step in Europe

After about a quarter of a century of enlightened development and ongoing preparatory technological, scientific and political activities we are arrived at the realization period of the idea. The two major technological vehicles of progress are the World Wide Web, the most democratic international forum of information exchange and the advent of public key cryptography as a combined philosophical and practical device of individual integrity and collective responsibility.

The EU and democratic leverage:are there still lessons to be learnt from the Spanish transition to democracy?

The issue of conditionality and how the EU should seek to influence positive transformations in its periphery is as relevant today as it was in the early 1990s. There are some important lessons that can still be learned from the Spanish transition to democracy in this respect. By combining strict conditionality with its ‘normative power’, the European Community managed to shape—if not make—the Spanish transition to democracy. The consensus surrounding European integration worked as a unifying factor amongst all of the elite groups by giving them a common goal. This broad consensus ensured that no elite group could act in the sort of irresponsible way that could jeopardise the democratisation process and, by inference, the integration of Spain with the Community. At the same time, the EC worked as a sort of moderating force. Neither of these positive effects would have occurred had the EC not used its leverage potential and remained firmed in its stance of conditioning accession to Spain taking clear steps towards democratisation.

Why comparing experiences with democracy in Latin America matters

Review article

Solidifying system of democracy in the Central and Eastern European new EU members

The paper examines the requirements of an effective and legitimized democratic political system in the process of transition. The analysis and the conclusions are based on the Hungarian experience, which can carefully be applied to all Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. Special focus is given to the relationship of legal certainty and the efficiency of the democratic system, to the tension between legalism and managerialism and to the characteristics of civil society organizations. In the conclusion special features of the transitional countries are pointed out.

Globalizáció, nemzeti szuverenitás és demokrácia. Magyarország helyzete a globális világban (Globalization, national sovereignity and democracy)

Korunk új világrendjében alapvetően átrendeződik a globalizáció, a nemzeti szuverenitás és a demokrácia viszonya. Ebben az új helyzetben minden országnak, köztük hazánknak is elkerülhetetlenül szembe kell nézni azzal a körülménnyel, amit Dani Rodrik fogalmazott meg és a globális világgazdaság politikai trilemmájának nevezett, hogy e hármas egyidejűleg nem valósítható meg. E trilemmára adott válasz pedig alapvetően meghatározza azt, hogy miként alakul a világ és benne hazánk jövőbeni sorsa. A cikk e trilemma kialakulásának mozgatóerőivel, az arra adható válaszokkal foglalkozik, kísérletet téve arra, hogy Magyarországra vonatkozó tanulságokat is levonjon. / === / Our contemporary world has basically rearranged the relationship between globalization, national sovereignty and democracy. In this new situation all countries including Hungary have to face the great challenges under the political trilemma of the global economy, coined by D. Rodrik. The answers given by countries to it will determine the future development path of the whole world, and of course Hungary's one as well. The driving forces behind this dilemma and the possible answers for it are the subject of the paper.