941 resultados para Catholic Church Retreats - Catholic Sermons
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In this article, I examine Thomas Middleton's Women Beware Women as a response to the particular religio-political context in the years surrounding 1621. The onset of the Thirty Years War in 1618 and the subsequent humiliation of James' son-in-law Frederick, Elector of Palatine, the vexed question of a possible Catholic marriage for Charles, Prince of Wales, the ever present difficulty of Anglo-Catholic relations, particularly with Spain, as well as growing religious factionalism within the Church of England between Calvinists and Arminians: all contributed towards a culturally febrile atmosphere, one to which, as I will argue, Middleton was well placed to respond. Given Middleton's Calvinistic beliefs, I suggest that Women Beware Women offers an acerbic examination of contemporary debates concerning human will, especially women's will, as well as promoting a sceptically apocalyptic anti-Catholic agenda throughout. I also examine the religious language and imagery used to construct Bianca as the whore of Babylon, and argue that her emergence and fall offer a political commentary on the precarious position of the English Church around 1621.
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Cilliní—or children’s burial grounds—were the designated resting places for unbaptized infants and other members of Irish society who were considered unsuitable by the Roman Catholic Church for burial in consecrated ground. The sites appear to have proliferated from the seventeenth century onwards in the wake of the Counter-Reformation. While a number of previous studies have attempted to relate their apparently marginal characteristics to the liminality of Limbo, evidence drawn from the archaeological record and oral history accounts suggests that it was only the Roman Catholic Church that considered cilliní, and those interred within, to be marginal. In contrast, the evidence suggests that the families of the dead regarded the cemeteries as important places of burial and treated them in a similar manner to consecrated burial grounds.
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In this paper I will discuss the form and nature of blason populaire in the Irish language using the major dialectal collections of the early 20th Century as source corpora. I will outline a system of categorisation by which these expressions may be grouped together and examine the local, national and international blason populaire found in the Irish language. I will show that the most salient feature of Irish blason populaire is the lack of proverbial slurs and stereotypes about other countries and nations. Instead, the Irish appear to direct their derogatory humour and mockery at their own people and land; local regions and districts; well-known Irish families, the Catholic Church and, of course, the common trades of the period.
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Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.
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Contemporary settled democracies, including the United States, England and Wales and Ireland, have witnessed a string of high profile cases of institutional child abuse in both church and state settings. Set against the broader literature on transitional justice, this analysis argues that there are significant barriers to truth recovery within the particular context of historical institutional abuse by the clergy in the Republic of Ireland. In the main, I argue that the frameworks of the inquiries and commissions into historical institutional child abuse are not conducive to truth recovery or the search for justice in dealing with the legacy of an abusive past. It is the church-state relationship which makes the Irish situation noteworthy and unique. The Catholic Church and child care institutions are especially self-protective, secretive and closed by nature and strongly discourage the drawing of attention to any deficiencies in organisational procedures. The nature of the public inquiry process also means that there is often a rather linear focus on accountability and apportioning blame. Collectively, such difficulties inhibit fuller systemic investigation of the veracity of what actually happened and, in turn, meaningful modification of child care policies. The article concludes by offering some thoughts on implications for transitional justice discourses more broadly as well as the residual issues for Ireland and other settled democracies in terms of moving on from the legacy of institutional child abuse.
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Purpose – Informed by the work of Laughlin and Booth, the paper analyses the role of accounting and accountability practices within the 15th century Roman Catholic Church, more specifically within the Diocese of Ferrara (northern Italy), in order to determine the presence of a sacred-secular dichotomy. Pope Eugenius IV had embarked upon a comprehensive reform of the Church to counter the spreading moral corruption within the clergy and the subsequent disaffection with the Church by many believers. The reforms were notable not only for the Pope’s determination to restore the moral authority and power of the Church but for the essential contributions of ‘profane’ financial and accounting practices to the success of the reforms.
Design/methodology/approach – Original 15th century Latin documents and account books of the Diocese of Ferrara are used to highlight the link between the new sacred values imposed by Pope Eugenius IV’s reforms and accounting and accountability practices.
Findings – The documents reveal that secular accounting and accountability practices were not regarded as necessarily antithetical to religious values, as would be expected by Laughlin and Booth. Instead, they were seen to assume a role which was complementary to the Church’s religious mission. Indeed, they were essential to its sacred mission during a period in which the Pope sought to arrest the moral decay of the clergy and reinstate the Church’s authority. Research implications/limitations – The paper shows that the sacred-secular dichotomy cannot be considered as a priori valid in space and time. There is also scope for examining other Italian dioceses where there was little evidence of Pope Eugenius’ reforms.
Originality/value – The paper presents a critique of the sacred-secular divide paradigm by considering an under-researched period and a non Anglo-Saxon context.
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Foucault identified the roots of governmentality in religious beliefs and religious history with its genealogical core the equivalent of pastoral power, the art of governing people by relying on a dualistic logic; individualization and totalization. This technology of power arose and matured within the Roman Catholic Church and provided a model for many states in the achievement and exercise of power. Informed by the work of Foucault on pastoral power the present work examines the genealogical core of governmentality in the context of the Roman Catholic Church at a time of great crisis in the 15th century when the Roman Catholic Church was undergoing reform instituted by Pope Eugenius IV (1431-1447). The contributions of accounting to pastoral power are shown in this study to have been pivotal in restoring the Church’s standing and influence. Accounting was one of the technologies that allowed the bishops to control both the diocese as a whole and each priest, to subjugate the priests to the bishops’ authority and, thereby, to govern the diocese through a never-ending extraction of truth.
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In this paper we address the idea of ‘legal but corrupt’ through a discussion of two cases: abuse scandals in the Irish Catholic Church and the financial services industry in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis. We identify two important dynamics that generated the scandals: that they were driven by strong and stable groups existing within a peculiar kind of ‘accountability space’ that we describe as ‘monastic’ and that those groups persisted with tacit or explicit support from the state. ‘Legal but corrupt’ is, we argue, a matter of insider incomprehension sustained by the ceding of sovereignty over some aspect of social or economic life.
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The interwar era saw the collapse of liberal democracy and the rise of anti-democratic authoritarian movements and states throughout much of Europe. Parliamentary or liberal democracy proved especially vulnerable in countries with large Catholic populations and ‘successor states’ – those states that achieved independence following the Great War. Despite meeting both criteria, the democratic structures of the Irish Free State – established in 1922 following a revolutionary struggle against British rule – proved remarkably resilient: indeed, it was arguably the only successor state to remain fully democratic by 1939 This outcome appears all the more striking given the formation of the state amidst a civil war, a form of conflict that frequently prevented the successful emergence of democracy. This is an article about the dog that didn’t bark: why did the kind of authoritarian political movements that flourished in many other parts of interwar Europe attract negligible support in the Irish Free State, and what does this have to tell us about the relationship between Catholicism and authoritarian politics? It begins by surveying the Irish Catholic Church’s attitudes to far-right politics in Continental Europe, and assessing how ‘official’ Catholic attitudes shaped popular perceptions of fascism and clerical authoritarianism within Ireland. It then explores the extent to which Ireland’s only significant fascistic movement – the Blueshirts – was influenced by, and sought to exploit, Catholicism. It concludes by questioning whether the immense influence of the Catholic Church and Catholic values within Irish political culture and society facilitated or hindered the cause of authoritarian politics in Ireland.
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Relatório da prática de ensino supervisionada, Mestrado em Ensino da História e da Geografia no 3º Ciclo do Ensino Básico e no Ensino Secundário, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014
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Tese de doutoramento, Educação (História da Educação), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2015
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Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Marketing Digital, sob orientação de Mestre António da Silva Vieira
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Este artigo examina a forma como as políticas colónias portuguesas de enquadramento do Islão na Guiné e em Moçambique evoluíram de uma representação do muçulmano como ameaça para uma imagem mais conciliadora, pela qual os muçulmanos poderiam ser potenciais aliados do poder português na guerra contra os movimentos nacionalistas. Sendo ambas as representações marcadas pela ambivalência, a primeira predominou até ao final da década de 50 e a segunda desenhou-se em meados dos anos 60, acompanhando o restante trajecto das guerras coloniais. As duas imagens corresponderam a diferentes formas de lidar com a dimensão transnacional do Islão e com o seu alegado impacto sobre o colonialismo português em África. O artigo analisa essas estratégias, abordando a participação que nelas teve a Igreja Católica, o aparelho central de poder e as suas ramificações locais nas colónias.
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Four people posing by the sign board for Chapman College Chapel, Orange, California. A Catholic mass is scheduled. The wooden-shingled church, constructed in 1909 for the congregation of Trinity Episcopal Church, is located on the northeast corner of East Maple Avenue and North Grand Street. Chapman College (now Chapman University) purchased the church for their chapel when the congregation moved to a new church on Canal Street.
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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the areas in and around Port Colborne. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Lighthouse, Pier Light, Old Lock House, Collector's Office, Harbour Master's House, Canal Boundary, Back Ditch, Reserved Back Ditch, Basin, Light-Keeper's House and Ferry Recess. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks and businesses are also identified and include Gordon's Woodyard, Welland Rail Road, Welland Railway Elevator and Proposed Elevator, W.R.R. Flour Shed, Roman Catholic Church, School House, Sandhills, Lake Erie, and the High Water Mark. Streets running parallel to Canal include King St., West St., East St., Queen St., Hamilton St., and the Road Allowance are labelled. Streets running perpendicular to Canal include Kent St., Victoria St., Adelaide St., SugarLoaf St., George St., Alexandrina St., William St., Fort Erie St., Lake Rd., and New Road to Dutch Settlement are also labelled. Property owners and leasers as well as buildings on lots are also idenitified and noted as follows: Adams estate, J. Towhig, J.C. Kerr, Mrs. Hill, S. Cooke, Mrs. Yocum, W.T. Cooke, P. Wintermute, J. Shickluna, William Cooke, J. McChesney, John Beatty, W. Robertson, John Gordon, T. Armstrong, John Harper, George Keefer, Estate of James Black, Thomas Park, N. Higgins, S. Hopkins, and L.G. Cartier. Map of the Village of Port Colborne. Being Lot No. 27 and part of Lot No. 28 in the 1st Con. Township of HUMBERSTONE. Scale 2 Chs. per Inch. land shaded in RED Owned by DEPT. Do. Do. BLUE Sold to the COUNTY of WELLAND