The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

Before the parliamentary elections in Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 149, 15.10.2014

The parliamentary elections to be held in Ukraine on 26 October will bring about deep changes in the political composition of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament. It is very probable that after the elections only one or two of the five parties which are represented in the parliament today will remain, and the leading positions will be taken by groupings who were still considered marginal a year ago. The Petro Poroshenko Bloc, a party which according to polls can count on victory, did not exist a year ago and today still remains in the construction phase. It is likely that around two-thirds of the newly elected deputies will be people with no parliamentary or even no political experience. On the one hand, this may be a strong impetus to revival; but on the other the lack of experience of most of the parliamentarians may be a problem. Another source of potential problems may be the process of consolidating the internally unstable political parties which have emerged during the electoral campaign. All of the parties which will count in the upcoming elections have a pro-European programme. It is probable that the numerous supporters of an anti-Western orientation (although not necessarily a pro-Russian orientation, as recent events have shown) will be represented by very few deputies elected in single-mandate constituencies. On the one hand, this homogeneity within the Rada will facilitate the country’s reforms, including work on the new constitution, while on the other it might be a subject of permanent criticism by Moscow and its Ukrainian representatives. The elections will take place in the conditions of a growing wave of social disappointment and ongoing military actions in the eastern part of the country. Nevertheless, it can be expected that the vote will be held without any major disturbances, and its course will be transparent and fair.

Greater Europe. Putin's vision of European (dis)integration. OSW Study 46/2013

On several occasions since 2001 Vladimir Putin has raised the concept of ‘Greater Europe’, a partly-integrated common space comprising mainly Russia and the European Union. This concept has never been recast into a detailed political programme. While it has been championed as‘a Europe without dividing lines’, the concept would in practice permanently split Europe into two geopolitical blocs – the Western bloc of the European Union, with Germany in the dominant role, and the Eastern bloc, consisting of the emerging Eurasian Union, with Russia in a hegemonic position. In recent years Russia has undertaken a number of initiatives aimed at implementing some elements of the concept. However, most of these have failed to become reality. In this context, we should expect Russia’s policy to focus on implementing its priority project of Eurasian integration, based on the structures of the Customs Union/the Eurasian Union. The Greater Europe project, on the other hand, will be postponed until the time when, as Moscow believes, a weakened EU will be ready to accept Russian proposals.

Rebalancing the EU-Russia-Ukraine gas relationship. Bruegel Policy Contribution ISSUE 2014/15, DECEMBER 2014

The October 2014 agreement on gas supplies between Russia, Ukraine and the European Union did not resolve the Ukraine-Russia conflict over gas. The differences between parties in terms of objectives, growing mistrust and legacy issues make it unlikely that a long-term stable arrangement will be achieved without further escalation. Without EU pressure and support, Ukraine is likely to enter a new unfavourable gas arrangement with Russia, which could have repercussions beyond the energy sector. Key highlights: To reduce prices and increase the security of imports, the EU as a bloc should redefine its gas relationship with Russia and Ukraine and overcome the diverging interests of EU member states on second-order issues. Implementation of a joint strategy rests on enforcement of EU competition and gas market rules, a strengthened role for the Energy Community and the establishment of a market-based instrument for supply security. For Ukraine, the EU should serve as an anchor for comprehensive gas sector reform. Contingent on Ukraine’s reform efforts, EU financial and technical assistance, the enabling of reverse flows from the EU to Ukraine and pressure on Gazprom, should eventually enable Ukraine to obtain a sustainable gas-supply contract with Russia. This should make a sustainable and mutually beneficial Russia-Ukraine-EU gas relationship possible. However, during the transition, the EU should be prepared for possible frictions.

The Ukrainian government's strategy towards the opposition. OSW Commentary No. 47, 2011-09-02

In recent months in Ukraine, there has been a toughening of measures targeted at opposition leaders, in particular the former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and the former interior minister Yuri Lutsenko. These two have been charged with abuses of office when in power. The way in which the criminal investigations are being conducted shows that these measures are actually meant to prevent the two politicians from conducting regular political activities, or at least to make this practically impossible for them. These actions are an element of the Party of Regions’ long-term strategy, as it tries during the pre-election period to eliminate Yulia Tymoshenko from political life and weaken or even destroy her powerbase. Similar measures, although to a more limited extent, are being taken against other opposition groups. These actions are leading to the lowering of democratic standards in Ukraine, although these are still much higher than in Belarus or Russia; this has been proved, among other things, by the militia’s more restrained behaviour towards the protesters, and the fact that abuses of the law during the current investigations have not yet slipped into actual violations. The Ukrainian opposition is fragmented and disorganised; even the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc is unable to stage a major campaign in defence of its leader. This allows the authorities to feel free to tighten their policy towards the opposition.

Svodboda party - the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene. OSW Commentary No. 56, 2011-07-04

Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

What can Arab countries learn from the post-communist transition? MEDPRO Commentary, 31 May 2012

More than a year has passed since the start of the political uprising against the authoritarian regimes in the Arab world. But, as demonstrated by the ongoing unrest in Syria, the process is far from over. Meanwhile, nations that have already rid themselves of their authoritarian rulers (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen), must decide where to go now and how to manage their political and economic transitions. To a lesser extent, a similar challenge is being faced by those constitutional monarchies (such as Morocco or Jordan) that accelerated reforms in order to avoid political destabilisation.   Many politicians and experts, especially those from Central and Eastern Europe, suggest that their Arab colleagues should learn from the post‐communist transition of the early 1990s. However, while learning from others’ experience is always a useful exercise, the geopolitical and socio‐economic context of the Arab revolution appears to be different, in many respects, from that of former Soviet bloc countries more than twenty years ago.

European Union Leadership and Enlargement in 2014. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 14, July 2014

On July 15, 2014 the European Parliament confirmed the new European Commission President. An absolute majority was needed for this purpose, and the 422 votes “For” cleared the 376-vote threshold in the legislative body of 751 members. A Grand Coalition has been formed among the three largest political parties: the European People’s Party (EPP), the Progressive Alliances of Socialists Democrats (S&D), and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Considering policy decisions going forward, the European Union (EU) faces the pressing question: Will there be more, less, or similar power from the EU? There are a greater number voices from across the political spectrum contributing to the democratic plurality. European leaders may regain trust by acknowledging that future governance will not be “business as usual” as the reform agenda gets underway. 2014 has been an exciting and important year in European politics. “This time is different” was the motto for the European Parliament’s election campaign. This essay analyzes recent EU political trends with the new Commission leadership and the Parliamentary elections results. The Parliamentary elections, held in late May, and the new European Commission, planned to be in place in the autumn, influence the leadership direction of the 28-member bloc. Additionally, this year on July 1 Croatia celebrated the first anniversary of joining the EU in 2013. Leading the way for candidate countries, Croatia embraces the democratic politics and capitalist market economics embodied by the EU. The greater number of seats held by newer political parties in the European Parliament demonstrates increasing plurality in the EU democracy. The Parliamentary elections have taken place every 5 years since 1979. In this eighth legislative session, the EPP and the S&D remain the largest parties represented, with 221 and 191 seats respectively. As the EU has evolved, a greater number of voices influence politics. The ongoing point of contention on a host of policies is national sovereignty in relation to pooled sovereignty in the EU. The European Parliament is important for democracy in EU governance since it is the direct link from the national citizens to their elected leaders at the supranational level. The representatives of the European Commission are appointed by the national governments of Member States, and their heads of government are the representatives to the European Council. These three political institutions – the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council – together with other important institutions, including the European Court of Justice Luxembourg, form the EU. The new European Commission President is Jean-Claude Juncker, former Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Luxembourg (1995-2013). After being nominated by the European Council on June 27, his candidacy was voted on by the European Parliament on July 15, according to the guidelines of the Lisbon Treaty. The leadership for the President of the European Commission has been an important issue, considering Britain’s deliberations on whether or not to stay in the EU in the face of a future national referendum. Voting on June 27, among the European Council on the nomination of Commission President-Designate Juncker, was 26 in favor and 2 opposed. Only Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary, joined David Cameron, the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), with a negative vote (Spiegel and Parker 2014). The UK had not been supportive, being concerned that Juncker embraces the policies of a federalist, prioritizing an ever-closer union above the interests of individual Member States. Historically, since joining the predecessor institution of the European Economic Community in 1973, the UK has had a relatively independent attitude about participation in the EU.

Caractérisation de l’activité Nur77 et de ses complexes en essais BRET par complémentation

Dans le système nerveux central, la dopamine joue un rôle crucial dans de nombreuses fonctions physiologiques telles que : l’apprentissage, le mouvement volontaire, la motivation, la cognition et la production hormonale. Il a été aussi démontré que le système de signalisation dopaminergique est altéré dans plusieurs maladies neurologiques et psychiatriques comme la maladie de Parkinson et la schizophrénie. Des études, effectuées dans le laboratoire du Dr.Daniel Lévesque (laboratoire d’accueil), ont montré que les récepteurs nucléaires Nur77 (NR4A1, NGFI-B) et RXRγ (retinoid X receptors γ) sont impliqués dans la régulation des effets de la dopamine dans le système nerveux central. De plus, ces données suggèrent que le complexe Nur77 et RXR joueraient un rôle crucial dans l’effet des médicaments antipsychotiques et antiparkinsoniens. Toutefois, très peu de médicaments ciblant Nur77 ont été identifiés à ce jour et les médicaments agissant sur RXRγ restent mal caractérisés. En outre, les analyses actuellement disponibles ne peuvent pas résumer la complexité des activités des NRs et génèrent des mesures indirectes des activités des drogues. Afin de mieux comprendre comment est régulée l’interaction Nur77/RXRγ dans ces processus, mon projet a été de mettre au point un essai BRET (Bioluminescence Resonance Energy Transfer) et PCA-BRET (Protein Complementation Assay-BRET) basé sur le recrutement d'un motif mimant un co-activateur fusionné avec la YFP. Nos différents essais ont été validés par courbes dose-réponse en utilisant différents composés RXR . Les EC50 (concentration efficace médiane, qui permet de mesurer l'efficacité d'un composé) obtenues étaient très semblables aux valeurs précédemment rapportées dans la littérature. Nous avons aussi pu identifier un composé le SR11237 (BMS649) qui semble posséder une sélectivité pour le complexe Nur77/RXRγ par rapport aux complexes Nurr1/RXRγ et RXRγ /RXRγ. Nos résultats indiquent que ces essais de BRET peuvent être utilisés pour évaluer la sélectivité de nouveaux composés pour les complexes Nur77/RXRγ, Nurr1/RXRγ et RXRγ /RXRγ. Un autre aspect de mon projet de doctorat a été de mettre en évidence par BRET l’importance de la SUMOylation dans la régulation de l'activité de Nur77 dans sa forme monomèrique, homodimèrique et hétérodimèrique. Nous avons ainsi identifié que Nur77 recrute principalement SUMO2 sur sa lysine 577. Il est intéressant de noté que le recrutement de la SUMO2 à Nur77 est potentialisé en présence de la SUMO E3 Ligase PIASγ. Aussi, la perte de la SUMOylation sur la lysine 577 entraîne l'incapacité de Nur77 de recruter divers motifs de co-activation mais pas pour ses formes homo- et hétérodimèrique. Cependant, la présence de PIASγ ne potentialise pas le recrutement du co-activateur, suggérant que cette SUMO E3 Ligase est seulement impliqué dans le processus de recrutement de la SUMO mais pas dans celui du co-activateur. Nous avons ainsi déterminé une nouvelle modification post-traductionnelle sur Nur77 régulant spécifiquement son activité monomérique Ces projets pourraient donc apporter de nouvelles données cruciales pour l’amélioration du traitement de la maladie de Parkinson ou de la schizophrénie, ainsi que d'obtenir une meilleure compréhension sur les mécanismes permettant la régulation de la fonction de Nur77

Les effets de l’éclairage cyclique versus l’éclairage tamisé constant sur la stabilité physiologique et le niveau d’activité motrice de prématurés

Problématique : Les prématurés évoluent dans l’unité néonatale qui présente une intensité lumineuse parfois forte et variable, ce qui a pour effet de provoquer une instabilité physiologique, ainsi qu’une augmentation du niveau d’activité motrice chez ces derniers. Par ailleurs, le contrôle de l’éclairage à l’unité néonatale favorise la stabilité physiologique et réduit le niveau d’activité motrice des prématurés. Deux méthodes de contrôle de l’éclairage ont été étudiées, soit l’éclairage tamisé constant et l’éclairage cyclique. Or, la méthode de contrôle de l’éclairage la plus appropriée au système nerveux immature des prématurés est inconnue et il y a ambivalence en ce qui concerne les résultats des études ayant évalué ces deux modes de contrôle de l’éclairage. But : Le but de cette étude était de mesurer les effets de l’éclairage cyclique versus l’éclairage tamisé constant sur la stabilité physiologique et le niveau d’activité motrice de prématurés nés entre 28 et 32 semaines d’âge gestationnel. Méthode : Un essai clinique randomisé a été réalisé. Les 38 prématurés recrutés dans une unité néonatale de niveaux II et III d’un hôpital universitaire, ont été randomisés dans l’un des deux groupes d’intervention, soit le groupe exposé à l’éclairage tamisé constant ou celui exposé à l’éclairage cyclique. Ces deux types d’éclairage ont été appliqués pendant 24 heures. La stabilité physiologique a été mesurée par le score Stability of the Cardio Respiratory System in Premature Infants (SCRIP) et le niveau d’activité motrice a été mesuré avec un accéléromètre (Actiwatch®). L’intensité lumineuse à laquelle les prématurés ont été exposés a été mesurée de façon continue à l’intérieur de l’incubateur à l’aide d’un photomètre. Résultats : L’analyse des données révèle qu’il n’y aucune différence significative entre les deux groupes d’intervention en ce qui a trait à la stabilité physiologique (valeur-p du score SCRIP de 0,54 à 0,96) et au niveau d’activité motrice (valeur-p de 0,09 à 0,88). Les participants des deux groupes ont manifesté une stabilité physiologique et un niveau d’activité motrice comparables. Conclusion : Des interventions de contrôle de l’éclairage doivent être adoptées à l’unité néonatale, que ce soit des interventions qui permettent la mise en œuvre de l’éclairage cyclique ou de l’éclairage tamisé constant, dans le but de favoriser l’adaptation du prématuré à l’environnement de l’unité néonatale. Des recherches additionnelles sont requises afin d’identifier la méthode de contrôle de l’éclairage (éclairage cyclique ou éclairage tamisé constant) qui doit être implantée à l’unité néonatale.

Monumens de l'histoire de France, en estampes et dessins ...

The present 30 volumes seem to have remained with the Dukes of Leuchtenberg, until the ducal library was acquired for sale in 1935 by the dealers Ulrich Hoepli (Milan) and Braus-Riggenbach (Basel). The volumes are not complete, as leaves have been wholly or partly removed throughout; this is particularly evident in preliminary volumes 2 and 10 and volume 75. Prints and the relatively small number of drawings are mostly French, with some German, Dutch and English, and are mostly of the 17th or 18th centuries. They are mounted generally on rectos of leaves, often with hand-written captions. Large prints are occasionally bound in directly; these are often folded. The engraved general title page (bearing the date 1788) appears at the beginning of each volume; below the printed title a hand-written volume number and brief title describing the volume's contents usually appear. In many volumes the title leaf is followed by a hand-written contents leaf listing the section titles, which are also written individually throughout the volume on leaves with etched decorative frames. Sections are numbered continuously throughout the work as a whole. Numbering of the leaves, when present, appears in black ink within each volume at top center recto. Printmakers include B. & J. Audran, Francesco Bartolozzi, Abraham Bosse, Stefano della Bella, Jacques Callot, François Chéreau, Wenceslaus Hollar, Romeyn de Hooghe, Raymond La Fage, Sébastien Le Clerc, Pierre Lepautre, Claude Mellan, Bernard Picart, and Simon Thomassin. There are also early color prints by Gautier-Dagoty and Jean-Baptiste Morret.

Pathologie interne des animaux domestiques,

Half-title: Encyclopédie Cadéac. [t. I-IV] have no series no. t. V has series no. XII; t. VI-VII, XIII; t. VIII, XVIII.

Traité de physiologie.

Contents.--t. 1, fasc. 2, ptie. 1. Digestion. 1857.--t. 1, fasc. 2, ptie. 2. Absorption, respiration. 1859.--t. 1, fasc. 3. Mouvements. Voix et parole. Sens en général. 1852.--t. 2. Des sens. Propriétés et fonctions du système nerveux en général. De la génération. 1850.

Revue générale d'administration paraissant tous les mois.

Bibliographies interspersed.

Catalogue des livres du cabinet de M. de Boze.

Includes index.