O círculo de eranos: a experiência da educação do campo ou como os contextos podem gerar

RESUMO: Estamos a vivenciar dois fatos paradoxais: de um lado, uma organização da escola instituída que gera a autoconservação das práticas do professor e, do outro, tendências nos plano científico e do discurso político que apelam ao retorno ao ator - que reconhece o professor como sujeito de seu saber e fazer. Foi neste contexto que se realizou a pesquisa subjacente a esta tese sobre a formação docente num projeto de escolarização que se fundamenta numa perspetiva de educação popular contra-hegemónica, edificada, no Brasil, como ‗educação do campo‘. Buscou-se compreender a vivência docente, suas perceções e aprendizagens. Desenvolveu-se a investigação a partir das questões: é possível, no contexto atual de mudanças sociais direcionadas ao processo cada vez maior de individuação docente, a formação em democracia participativa numa experiência de educação popular? Como ela se estabelece? O que ela nos ensina? A metodologia assentou na observação participativa das reuniões de planeamento, avaliação e replaneamento dos(as) professores(as) e coordenadores, numa proposta local de educação do campo - do Programa Nacional de Educação na Reforma agrária. As reuniões e escolarização ocorreram em Ilhéus/Bahia/Brasil, durante os anos de 2005-2006. As referências teóricas para a análise empírica do material coletado foram: a perspetiva da reflexão-ação emancipatória de Carr e Kemmis (1998), que compreende as instituições educacionais criadas por pressões sociais e políticas; e a conceção de emancipação desenvolvida por Freire e por Habermas, assente na ação comunicativa/dialógica. Para a análise utilizou-se o método da Análise Crítica de Discurso (ACD), cuja principal referência foi Fairclough. Nas narrativas das reuniões percebeu-se o desenvolvimento de uma polidez positiva – atos de fala que demonstram o falante desejando estabelecer o consenso com ouvinte; assinalada por estruturas modais que direcionaram para a abertura de relacionamento e participação mútua entre professores(as) e coordenadores do projeto. O conteúdo manifesto das falas amparou-se numa perspetiva de educador que se constrói na prática, e, ao mesmo tempo, a constrói, mas que, entretanto, necessita de aportes teóricos críticos no processo de embate epistémico entre os saberes da vida quotidiana concreta e os saberes científicos. A função interpessoal foi expressa pela arquitetura dialógica, permitindo um processo de construção mútua de escola e professores(as). Pode-se afirmar que a prática analisada indica que nestes tempos, de controlo intenso das instituições escolares, de competição, de solidão, é obviamente necessária a organização coletiva de professores (as), de movimentos sociais e universidades, amparados e financiados por ordenamentos legais (conquistados pela população), para consolidar e ampliar projetos críticos de escolarização, mudando, reciprocamente, escolas e professores(as). ABSTRACT: We are experiencing two paradoxical facts: the organization of the established school which generates the self-preservation of teaching practices and, on the other hand, there is a political and scientific trend that claims the return of the ―actor‖ – the teacher being the subject of his knowledge and actions. It was therefore in this context, that the underlying research for this Thesis was conducted. It concerns to the teacher training in an educational project which is based on the perspective of a counter-hegemonic and popular education available to people at the Brazilian countryside – also called ―Field Education‖. We searched the understanding of the educational experience, its perceptions and learning. The investigation was developed from two fundamental questions: Is it possible to have the experience of a popular education system in a functioning democracy, at the light of the recent social changes that lead to a greater individuation? How is it established? What can we learn from it? The methodology was settled on the participant observation of the planning and evaluation meetings of teachers and coordinators of the National Education Program in the Land Reform in Brazil. These meetings occurred in Ilheús- Bahia- Brazil during the years of 2005-2006. The theoretical references to the empirical analyses of the material collected were: the perspective of the reflection – action emancipative of Carr & Kemmis (1998), which comprehends the educational institutions created by social and political pressures; and the conception of emancipation developed by Freire and Habermas, which is settled on the communicative-dialogical action. For the analysis it was elected the method of Critical Analysis of Discourse (CAD),which main reference was Fairclough. During the account of the meetings it was noticed the development of a positive politeness – which reveals the desire of the speaker to reach an agreement with the listener, signalized by modal structures that directed to an open and participative relationship between teachers and coordinators of the project. The manifest content of the speeches was sustained by the educator perspective, which is built on the daily practice. However, it needs some basic theoretical contributions to the epistemic struggle between concrete ordinary life and the scientific knowledge. The interpersonal function was expressed by dialogical architecture, allowing a mutual process of construction that involves the school and the teachers. The practice analyzed indicates that, more than ever, due to the massive control of the institutions, the extreme competition and solitude, the collective organization of the teachers, the social movements and the universities is necessary. They should be supported and financed by legal systems to consolidated and amplify important education projects, bringing necessary changes for schools and teachers reciprocally.

Educação, qualificação profissional e mercado de trabalho : estudo sobre os impactos na educação da expansão econômica do complexo industrial de SUAPE/PE/Brasil

Essa pesquisa teve como preocupação central conhecer a avaliação que os estudantes do 3° ano do ensino médio da educação básica acerca da educação fornecida pela rede estadual de ensino no estado de Pernambuco quanto à preparação para o mercado de trabalho, especialmente na região do Complexo Industrial de Suape em Pernambuco, Brasil. A pesquisa contou com a participação de 130 alunos que estudavam em duas escolas do município de Ipojuca - onde se localiza o referido Complexo Industrial -, e com 07 autoridades ligadas a educação – responsáveis pelas políticas públicas nessa região e em todo estado – em Pernambuco e nas cidades do Cabo de Santo Agostinho e Ipojuca. Foram aplicados um questionário validado aos alunos e uma entrevista semi-estruturada as autoridades (secretários de estado, gerentes regionais) em educação. Na análise quantitativa fizemos uso do programa SPSS; enquanto que na análise qualitativa utilizamos a análise de discurso. A partir dos dados obtidos conseguimos como resultado que os alunos acreditam que a escola não os prepara adequadamente para o ingresso e permanência no mercado de trabalho, e acreditam ainda, que para que essa constatação possa ser modificada é preciso que haja um investimento maior na qualidade da educação como prioridade em nosso estado e em nosso país. Nesse sentido, analisamos que mesmo com todos os avanços que estão ocorrendo no Brasil, com programas e leis de incentivo a educação básica e profissional, a sociedade globalizada exige cada vez mais investimentos em educação, e que ela deixe de ser dual e torne-se integrada e onilateral, fazendo com que os alunos consigam acreditar na educação e, a partir dela se tornem sujeitos críticos e com oportunidades de ingresso no mercado com as competências que lhe são exigidas para tal fim.

The Maré Museum: an integrated project of community development

The Maré Museum, founded on 8 May 2006, arose from the desire of the inhabitants of the community to have a place of memory, a place that is immersed in the past and looks to the future, a place that reflects on this community, on their conditions and identities and on their territorial and cultural diversity. The intention of the Maré Museum is to break with the tradition that the experiences to be recollected and the places of memory to be remembered are those elected by the official version, the "winner" version of the story that restricts the representations of history and memory of large portions of the population. The Maré Museum, as a pioneer initiative in the city scene, proposed to expand the museological concept, so that it is not restricted to intellectual social groups and cultural spaces that are not accessible to the general population. The museum has established recognition that the slum is a place of memory and so has initiated a museographic reading of the Mare community. ..

Sistemas e tecnologias da informação Autárquicos : o impacto da gestão no seu respetivo desenvolvimento

É do conhecimento geral a importância do envolvimento dos dirigentes de topo de qualquer organização na gestão dos seus STI – Sistemas e Tecnologias de Informação – internos. Nas câmaras municipais os dirigentes de topo são o Executivo Municipal eleito pelos respetivos munícipes e, portanto, com fortíssima influência política. As câmaras municipais em si, são organizações estatais que não têm concorrentes diretos, mas a escolha, i.e. a eleição ou reeleição do seu executivo pode ser influenciada pela sua atuação e/ou do partido político a que pertencem. Os STI Autárquicos tem pouca visibilidade exterior à organização e, portanto, pouco ou nada contribuem para o garante de votos necessários à eleição/reeleição do executivo municipal. Por esta razão, embora a maior parte dos executivos municipais reconheça o quanto estes são importantes, nem sempre se envolvem na sua gestão nem lhes conferem o devido destaque ou importância. Com este trabalho pretende-se perceber até que ponto o envolvimento do Executivo Municipal na gestão dos STI Autárquicos é importante e/ou determinante para o seu respetivo desenvolvimento i.e. se tem influência no seu aumento quantitativo e qualitativo.

Feminismos estéticos y antiestéticos en el Ecuador de principios del siglo XX: un análisis de género y generaciones (Estudios)

El ensayo analiza los cambios jurídicos y sociales que experimentaron las mujeres durante los años posteriores a la Revolución Liberal de 1895. La mayoría de las mujeres pioneras en la vida pública del Ecuador provinieron de las clases sociales media y alta. El estudio se concentra en los casos de María Luisa Gómez de la Torre, profesora y la única mujer participante en la fundación del Partido Socialista del Ecuador, y Matilde Hidalgo de Prócel, primera mujer graduada de médico, primera en sufragar en una elección y en obtener un escaño en el Congreso. El artículo indaga si estos cambios institucionales fueron el resultado de una concesión del poder o de una lucha social desde abajo.

Las relaciones entre Ecuador y Colombia: un ejemplo de la necesidad de una política exterior democrática (Coyuntura)

El autor realiza una revisión de las que considera han sido las deficiencias de la política exterior ecuatoriana hacia Colombia. La carencia de consensos básicos, la escasa coordinación civil-militar, la falta de participación ciudadana, la débil vinculación entre política externa e interna y la usencia de una agenda específica para Colombia, son algunos de los aspectos analizados por Ponce, quien finalmente plantea algunos de los elementos que deberían fundamentar la elaboración de una política exterior de Ecuador hacia Colombia, destacando la elaboración de una agenda clara de política exterior que priorice los objetivos nacionales internos.

En busca del mural de Camilo Egas en la Feria Mundial de 1939 (Debates)

El artículo aborda el mural que el artista plástico ecuatoriano Camilo Egas preparó para el pabellón del Ecuador en la Feria Mundial de Nueva York, de 1939. Se revisan los detalles relacionados con la confección de la obra encargada por el Gobierno ecuatoriano y las reacciones que suscitó entre los asistentes a la exposición, funcionarios diplomáticos ecuatorianos y otras personalidades gubernamentales. Además, se describen algunos aspectos relacionados con su abandono, una vez concluida la exhibición y con la tarea de identificación de la documentación que testimonia el caso.

Las garantías de los derechos en las constituciones de Bolivia y Ecuador (Tema Central)

Las recientemente promulgadas constituciones ecuatoriana y boliviana imponen nuevos paradigmas en lo que concierne a la interpretación y aplicación de los derechos fundamentales, y como no podía ser de otra manera, lo hacen igualmente con respecto a las garantías que los tutelan. Este artículo analiza las tensiones que se generan en la denominada aplicación directa de la Constitución y sus significaciones en el plano operativo (obligaciones para jueces y demás autoridades y funcionarios públicos), realiza un estudio de las garantías jurisdiccionales en Ecuador en comparación con las previstas en Bolivia, y advierte de los peligros que implica una interpretación errada de la naturaleza de estas acciones.

Good governance and the extractive industries in sub-saharan Africa

This article critically examines the challenges that come with implementing the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI)a policy mechanism marketed by donors and Western governments as a key to facilitating economic improvement in resource-rich developing countriesin sub-Saharan Africa. The forces behind the EITI contest that impoverished institutions, the embezzlement of petroleum and/or mineral revenues, and a lack of transparency are the chief reasons why resource-rich sub-Saharan Africa is underperforming economically, and that implementation of the EITI, with its foundation of good governance, will help address these problems. The position here, however, is that the task is by no means straightforward: that the EITI is not necessarily a blueprint for facilitating good governance in the region's resource-rich countries. It is concluded that the EITI is a policy mechanism that could prove to be effective with significant institutional change in host African countries but, on its own, it is incapable of reducing corruption and mobilizing citizens to hold government officials accountable for hoarding profits from extractive industry operations.

The challenges facing privatization of infrastructure projects in Libya

Libya with its strategic location and natural resources stands as a crucial link between the Arab world, Europe, and Africa. The people of Libya have an optimistic outlook with regard to the Libyan economy after the suspension of the United Nations sanctions in 1999 that had been imposed on Libya in 1992, as well as the recent emphasis on privatization from the government. Since then, local and foreign investors have been encouraged to take a more prominent role in order to help privatize some of the state run-industries; the attention to privatization is aimed to help Libya’s economic growth and reduce its heavy dependency on oil revenues. Considering the economic situation, Libya is a rich country. However, it needs to modernize, it needs more and better infrastructure, it needs non-oil based financing, furthermore, it needs to develop a financial model for development and investment from the private sector. Although the Libyan government is working on the improvement of the business environment to make it more attractive for foreign investors in a way to move towards privatization, they have ignored some of the challenges that privatization will be facing in Libya. Privatization can not be implemented overnight. They have taken this for granted without careful consideration of its challenges. This paper attempts to investigate and discuss the challenges that need to be taken into account before privatization of infrastructure projects can be introduced in Libya. This paper is based on interviews with senior technical officials in the government.

Sarah Kane: Cool Britannia's reluctant feminist

Aleks Sierz in his important survey of mid 1990s drama has identified the plays of Sarah Kane as exemplars of what he terms ‘In-Yer Face’ theatre. Sierz argues that Kane and her contemporaries such as Mark Ravenhill and Judy Upton represent a break with the ideological concerns of the previous generation of playwrights such as Doug Lucie and Stephen Lowe, whose work was shaped through recognizable political concerns, often in direct opposition to Thatcherism. In contrast Sarah Kane and her generation have frequently been seen as literary embodiments of ‘Thatcher’s Children’, whereby following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the inertia of the Major years, their drama eschews a recognizable political position, and seems more preoccupied with the plight of individuals cut adrift from society. In the case of Sarah Kane her frequently quoted statement, ‘I have no responsibility as a woman writer because I don’t believe there’s such a thing’, has compounded this perception. Moreover, its dogmatism also echoes the infamous comments attributed to Mrs Thatcher regarding the role of the individual to society. However, this article seeks to reassess Kane’s position as a woman writer and will argue that her drama is positioned somewhere between the female playwrights who emerged after 1979 such as Sarah Daniels, Timberlake Wertenbaker and Clare McIntyre, whose drama was distinguished by overtly feminist concerns, and its subsequent breakdown, best exemplified by the brief cultural moment associated with the newly elected Blair government known as ‘Cool Britannia’. Drawing on a variety of sources, including Kane’s unpublished monologues, written while she was a student just after Mrs Thatcher left office, this paper will argue that far from being an exponent of post-feminism, Kane’s drama frequently revisits and is influenced by the generation of dramatists whose work was forged out the sharp ideological positions that characterized the 1980s and a direct consequence of Thatcherism.

The SAFE FOODS framework for improved risk analysis of foods

Three main changes to current risk analysis processes are proposed to improve their transparency, openness, and accountability. First, the addition of a formal framing stage would allow interested parties, experts and officials to work together as needed to gain an initial shared understanding of the issue, the objectives of regulatory action, and alternative risk management measures. Second, the scope of the risk assessment is expanded to include the assessment of health and environmental benefits as well as risks, and the explicit consideration of economic- and social-impacts of risk management action and their distribution. Moreover approaches were developed for deriving improved information from genomic, proteomic and metabolomic profiling methods and for probabilistic modelling of health impacts for risk assessment purposes. Third, in an added evaluation stage, interested parties, experts, and officials may compare and weigh the risks, costs, and benefits and their distribution. As part of a set of recommendations on risk communication, we propose that reports on each stage should be made public.

Community strategies in England: reshaping spaces of governance?

The preparation of Community Strategies (CS) has been required of LSPs and Local Authorities in England since the passing of the Local Government Act 2000. This paper examines the process and content of two Community Strategies in southern England as part of an ongoing project to understand their impact and explore ways that CSs may be carried through in a meaningful and effective manner. The paper concludes that the two CSs studied illustrate the challenge faced by LSPs in producing Strategies that are meaningful, inclusive and which follow the spirit of the government CS guidance. LAs and LSPs are also posed with a difficult challenge of seeing through an implicitly required transition from a traditional representative democratic structure/process with a more fluid participatory model. Thus we detect that at least two forms of conflict may arise – firstly with elected councillors threatened by a loss of power and secondly between communities and the LAs who are encouraged to problematise local policy and service delivery in the context of limited resource availability.

State and society in the English countryside: the rural community movement 1918-1939

This paper assesses the relationship between state and society in interwar rural England, focusing on the hitherto neglected role of the Rural Community Councils (RCCs). The rise of statutory social provision in the early twentieth century created new challenges and opportunities for voluntaryism, and the rural community movement was in part a response. The paper examines the early development of the movement, arguing that a crucial role was played by a close-knit group of academics and local government officials. While largely eschewing party politics, they shared a commitment to citizenship, democracy and the promotion of rural culture; many of them had been close associates of Sir Horace Plunkett. The RCCs engaged in a wide range of activities, including advisory work, adult education, local history, village hall provision, support for rural industries and an ambivalent engagement with parish councils. The paper concludes with an assessment of the achievements of the rural community movement, arguing that it was constrained by its financial dependence on voluntary contributions.

Diamond mining, rice farming, and a ‘Maggi cube’: a viable survivial strategy in rural Liberia?

Since the conclusion of its 14-year civil war in 2003, Liberia has struggled economically. Jobs are in short supply and operational infrastructural services, such as electricity and running water, are virtually nonexistent. The situation has proved especially challenging for the scores of people who fled the country in the 1990s to escape the violence and who have since returned to re-enter their lives. With few economic prospects on hand, many have elected to enter the artisanal diamond mining sector, which has earned notoriety for perpetuating the country's civil war. This article critically reflects on the fate of these Liberians, many of whom, because of a lack of government support, finances, manpower and technological resources, have forged deals with hired labourers to work artisanal diamond fields. Specifically, in exchange for meals containing locally grown rice and a Maggi (soup) cube, hired hands mine diamondiferous territories, splitting the revenues accrued from the sales of recovered stones amongst themselves and the individual ‘claimholder’ who hired them. Although this cycle—referred to here as ‘diamond mining, rice farming and a Maggi cube’—helps to buffer against poverty, few of the parties involved will ever progress beyond a subsistence level