864 resultados para drug-related problems (DRPs)


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INTRODUCTION: Social phobia is among the most frequent psychiatric disorders and can be classified into two subtypes, nongeneralized and generalized. Whereas it significantly worsens the morbidity of comorbid substance abuse disorders, and it often is associated with reduced treatment responses, there is still lacking data on its prevalence in clinical populations of drug abusing patients. METHODS: The study sample consisted of 75 inpatients and 75 outpatients meeting DSM-IV criteria for drug dependence. Symptoms of social phobia were assessed with the French-language version of the Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale (LSAS). RESULTS: Prevalence rate were 20% for the generalized subtype and 42.6% for the nongeneralized subtype. Gender difference emerged in the severity of fear, women reporting significantly greater fear relating to performance situations than men. CONCLUSIONS: An important proportion of patients with substance dependence present a comorbid generalized or nongeneralized social phobia. Early recognition of social phobia and adequate interventions is warranted for these patients in order to improve their treatment response with regard to quality of life and relapse prevention.

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This thesis is concerned with alcohol problems and marital relationships. It is particularly interested in these dynamics from a treatment perspective. The study addresses theory, research and clinical practice in the field of alcohol problems. It specifically considers these areas as they relate to enhancing understanding of the dynamics between alcohol problems and marriage. The study examines three theoretical paradigms, the disease concept of addiction, behavioural/cognitive behavioural and systems based approaches to understanding alcohol addiction. This provides a multiple theory base from which research in the field and the clinical data collected in the current research is analysed and interpreted. The study reviews research findings that have contributed to the recognition of marital treatment interventions as significant in the alcohol field. It highlights the discrepancies between such research findings and developments in actual clinical practice. In doing so, the study illustrates the gap between theory, research and clinical practice. The need for a more effective framework of information exchange across these areas of activity is identified and a model for better exchange is presented and discussed. This model highlights the importance of including clients' experiences to influence policy, practice, theory and research. In the research, specific attention is focused on the experiences of couples in alcohol treatment. Clinical data is collected from a series of alcohol treatment couples group therapy sessions. The research analysis of the clinical data identifies and extracts concerns as expressed by couples in treatment. Interpretation of these identified concerns or themes is conducted by employing the theoretical constructs of the three selected theoretical paradigms in conjunction with group work theory. On the basis of the findings in this thesis a model for a maritally sensitive assessment framework is developed. The model identifies a number of factors that should be considered in order to enhance appreciation of the interaction between alcohol problems and marital dynamics. This has particular significance for treatment interventions.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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The female prisoner population are a very specific group with very different needs to that of the general population. The study sets out to profile these women and to examine their use of tobacco, alcohol and other substances. A census sample of female prisoners was frequency matched for age with male prisoners and also the female general population. Response rate was 74.6%. Results illustrated that female prisoners are, in the majority from a lower social group, from deprived backgrounds and from families where unemployment is high and education is low. Female prisoners smoke more, take more drugs (including heroin and injection drugs) and drink considerably more when compared to the above groups. They have more alcohol related difficulties as a result of another persons drinking, illustrating high rates of verbal, physical and sexual assault. The prison setting may be the first and possibly the only opportunity for health education and promotion for this particular group. Therefore, with such high reported levels of smoking, alcohol and other substance use, the prison provides a good setting for health promotion interventions.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Excessive drinking contributes significantly to social problems, physical and psychological illness, injury and death. Hidden effects include increased levels of violence, accidents and suicide. Most alcohol-related harm is caused by excessive drinkers whose consumption exceeds recommended drinking levels, not the drinkers with severe alcohol dependency problems. One way to reduce consumption levels in a community may be to provide a brief intervention in primary care over one to four sessions. This is provided by healthcare workers such as general physicians, nurses or psychologists. In general practice, patients are routinely asked about alcohol consumption during registration, general health checks and as part of health screening (using a questionnaire). They tend not to be seeking help for alcohol problems when presenting. The intervention they are offered includes feedback on alcohol use and harms, identification of high risk situations for drinking and coping strategies, increased motivation and the development of a personal plan to reduce drinking. It takes place within the time-frame of a standard consultation, 5 to 15 minutes for a general physician, longer for a nurse.A total of 29 controlled trials from various countries were identified, in general practice (24 trials) or an emergency setting (five trials). Participants drank an average of 306 grams of alcohol (over 30 standard drinks) per week on entry to the trial. Over 7000 participants with a mean age of 43 years were randomised to receive a brief intervention or a control intervention, including assessment only. After one year or more, people who received the brief intervention drank less alcohol than people in the control group (average difference 38 grams/week, range 23 to 54 grams). For men (some 70% of participants), the benefit of brief intervention was a difference of 57 grams/week, range 25 to 89 grams (six trials). The benefit was not clear for women. The benefits of brief intervention were similar in the normal clinical setting and in research settings with greater resources. Longer counselling had little additional benefit.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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BACKGROUND: The incidence of and mortality from alcohol-related conditions, liver disease and hepatocellular cancer (HCC) are increasing in the UK. We compared mortality rates by country of birth to explore potential inequalities and inform clinical and preventive care. DESIGN: Analysis of mortality for people aged 20 years and over using the 2001 Census data and death data from 1999 and 2001-2003. SETTING: England and Wales. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Standardized mortality ratios (SMRs) for alcohol-related deaths and HCC. RESULTS: Mortality from alcohol-related deaths (23 502 deaths) was particularly high for people born in Ireland (SMR for men [M]: 236, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 219-254; SMR for women [F]: 212, 95% CI: 191-235) and Scotland (SMR-M: 187, CI: 173-213; SMR-F 182, CI: 163-205) and men born in India (SMR-M: 161, CI: 144-181). Low alcohol-related mortality was found in women born in other countries and men born in Bangladesh, Middle East, West Africa, Pakistan, China and Hong Kong, and the West Indies. Similar mortality patterns were observed by country of birth for alcoholic liver disease and other liver diseases. Mortality from HCC (8266 deaths) was particularly high for people born in Bangladesh (SMR-M: 523, CI: 380-701; SMR-F: 319, CI: 146-605), China and Hong Kong (SMR-M: 492, CI: 168-667; SMR-F: 323, CI: 184-524), West Africa (SMR-M: 440, CI, 308-609; SMR-F: 319, CI: 165-557) and Pakistan (SMR-M: 216, CI: 113-287; SMR-F: 215, CI: 133-319). CONCLUSIONS: These findings show persistent differences in mortality by country of birth for both alcohol-related and HCC deaths and have important clinical and public health implications. New policy, research and practical action are required to address these differences.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Key points• The literature shows general agreement about a correlation between income inequality and health/social problems. • There is less agreement about whether income inequality causes health and social problems independently of other factors, but some rigorous studies have found evidence of this. • The independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems shown in some studies looks small in statistical terms. But these studies cover whole populations, and hence a significant number of lives. • Some research suggests that inequality is particularly harmful beyond a certain threshold. Britain was below this threshold in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, but rose past it in 1986–7 and has settled well above it since 1998–9. If the threshold is significant it could provide a target for policy. • Anxiety about status might explain income inequality’s effect on health and social problems. If so, inequality is harmful because it places people in a hierarchy which increases competition for status, causing stress and leading to poor health and other negative outcomes. • Not all research shows an independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems. Some highlights the role of individual income (poverty/material circumstances), culture/history, ethnicity and welfare state institutions/social policies. • The author concludes that there is a strong case for further research on income inequality and discussion of the policy implications.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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 The latest results from the study paint a picture of how these families are faring across a range of areas in their lives including their health, family life and financial and economic circumstances. In general the findings show that three-year-olds in Ireland are in good health with a few notable public health and related issues (including overweight and obesity), there is overall stability in family structures over the short term and that the recession has had a substantial effect on families with young children over the last number of years. These are the first longitudinal findings from the study. The first wave of fieldwork with the families of the Infant Cohort included approximately 11,100 nine-month-olds, their parents and carers. Interviews began in September 2008 and were completed in March 2009. Interviews for the second round of interviews with this cohort took place between January and August 2011. A total of 90% of the original sample of nine-month-olds were successfully re-interviewed. (A full download of the results released today, presented in three briefing documents can be found by clicking here. Key findings include: Health â?¢ Most of the children were described as being in good health; 75% were rated as very healthy and a further 23% were rated as healthy, but a few minor problems. Girls were more likely to be reported as very healthy (78%) compared with boys (72%). â?¢ One in four or almost one quarter of three-year-old children were overweight (19%) or obese (6%). â?¢ Childrenâ?Ts weight was related to household social class. 5% of children in families in the professional/managerial group were classified as obese at three years of age compared with 9% of those in the most disadvantaged social class group. However, at least one-fifth of children in every social class were overweight. â?¢ Childrens consumption of energy-dense foods such as crisps, sweets, chips, and non-diet fizzy drinks increased as parental education fell. 63% of children whose mother had a lower secondary education or less ate at least one portion of crisps compared with 36% of those from degree-level backgrounds, although consumption of biscuits/chocolates was over 70% for both groups of children. â?¢ Two-thirds (66%) of three-year-olds had received at least one course of antibiotics in the 12 months preceding the interview. Children with a full medical card (35% of the sample) or a GP-only medical card (5% of the sample) were more likely to have received a course of antibiotics than â?¢ Children with a full medical card received a higher number of antibiotic courses on average (2.6) compared with those without a medical card (2.1). â?¢ Just under 16% of three-year-old children were reported as having at least one longstanding illness, condition or disability. The most commonly reported illness types included Asthma (5.8%), Eczema/Skin allergies (3.9%) and Food/digestive allergies (1.2%) Family Life and Childcare â?¢ While the overall distribution of family structure was stable, there have been transitions from one-parent families to two-parent families and vice-versa over the 27 months between interview â?" approximately 2 to 3 percent in each direction. â?¢ 50% of three year olds were in some form of non-parental childcare for eight or more hours a week. The most common form used was centre-based childcare which almost tripled between nine months and three years, from 11% to 30%. â?¢ A similar percentage of grandparents were caring for children at both nine months and three years, 12% and 11% respectively. A total of 10% of three-year-olds were being minded by a childminder, an increase of 3 percentage points from when the children were nine months of age. â?¢ Children who were in some form of non-parental childcare were spending an average of 23 hours a week in their main type of childcare. â?¢ At time of interview the vast majority of mothers reported that they had regular contact with the Study Childâ?Ts grandparents (91%). In offering support to parents, grandparents were most likely to babysit (50%), and buy clothes (40%) at least on a monthly basis. One-parent families were more likely than two-parent families to receive financial support from grandparents with just under one-third (66%) of one-parent families receiving financial support from grandparents at least once every three months. â?¢ The most frequently used discipline technique was â?~discussing or explaining why the behaviour was wrongâ?T, with 63% of mothers saying they always did this. â?¢ 12% of mothers said they used â?~smackingâ?T as a form of discipline now and again and less than 1% used â?~smackingâ?T as a form of discipline more frequently. Over half reported that they never smacked the Study Child. Financial and Economic Circumstances â?¢ Just over half (53%) of mothers of three-year-olds worked outside the home, 38% said they were on home duties and 6% said they were unemployed. â?¢ The biggest change in terms of the work status of three-year-oldsâ?T parents was an increase in the percentage of unemployed fathers â?" 6% when the child was nine months rising to almost 14% when s/he was three years of age. â?¢ 61% of families of three-year-olds reported experiencing difficulties in making â?~ends meetâ?T. This was a substantial increase from 44% in the first round of interviews when the children were nine-months-old. â?¢ Almost two thirds (63%) of all families with three-year-olds reported that the recession had had a very significant or significant effect on them. â?¢ The most frequently recorded effects were: a reduction in wages (63%); canâ?Tt afford luxuries (54%), social welfare reduction (53%) and canâ?Tt afford/cut back on basics (32%). Growing Up in Ireland is a Government funded study tracking the development of two nationally representative cohorts of children: an Infant Cohort which was interviewed initially at nine months and subsequently at three years of age; and a Child Cohort which was interviewed initially at nine years and subsequently at 13 years of age. The study is being conducted by a consortium of researchers led by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) and Trinity College Dublin. For Further Information Please Contact: Jillian Heffernan Communications Officer, Growing Up in Ireland Tel: 01 896 3378 Mobile: 087 9016880This resource was contributed to our repository by the National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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This leaflet is for anyone who wants to know more about Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT).It discusses how it works, why it is used, its effects, its side-effects, and alternative treatments. If you can't find what you want here, there are sources of further information at the end of this leaflet. What is CBT? It is a way of talking about: ï,§ how you think about yourself, the world and other people ï,§ how what you do affects your thoughts and feelings. CBT can help you to change how you think ('Cognitive') and what you do ('Behaviour'). These changes can help you to feel better. Unlike some of the other talking treatments, it focuses on the 'here and now' problems and difficulties. Instead of focusing on the causes of your distress or symptoms in the past, it looks for ways to improve your state of mind now. When does CBT help? CBT has been shown to help with many different types of problems. These include: anxiety, depression, panic, phobias (including agoraphobia and social phobia), stress, bulimia, obsessive compulsive disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, bipolar disorder and psychosis. CBT may also help if you have difficulties with anger, a low opinion of yourself or physical health problems, like pain or fatigue. How does it work? CBT can help you to make sense of overwhelming problems by breaking them down into smaller parts. This makes it easier to see how they are connected and how they affect you. These parts are: ï,§ A Situation - a problem, event or difficult situation. From this can follow: ï,§ Thoughts ï,§ Emotions ï,§ Physical feelings ï,§ Actions Each of these areas can affect the others. How you think about a problem can affect how you feel physically and emotionally. All these areas of life can connect like this: {5 Areas - click related link below} What happens in one of these areas can affect all the others. There are helpful and unhelpful ways of reacting to most situations, depending on how you think about it. The way you think can be helpful - or unhelpful. An example: If you go home feeling depressed, you'll probably brood on what has happened and feel worse. If you get in touch with the other person, there's a good chance you'll feel better about yourself. If you avoid the other person, you won't be able to correct any misunderstandings about what they think of you - and you will probably feel worse. This 'vicious circle' can make you feel worse. It can even create new situations that make you feel worse. You can start to believe quite unrealistic (and unpleasant) things about yourself. This happens because, when we are distressed, we are more likely to jump to conclusions and to interpret things in extreme and unhelpful ways. CBT can help you to break this vicious circle of altered thinking, feelings and behaviour. When you see the parts of the sequence clearly, you can change them - and so change the way you feel. CBT aims to get you to a point where you can 'do it yourself', and work out your own ways of tackling these problems. [For full factsheet â?" click on link above]This resource was contributed by the National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Many mental health patients also have substance misuse problems, so mental health service staff need to be skilled to provide simple prevention and treatment interventions, assisted by drug and alcohol specialists. This guidance covers the assessment and clinical management of patients with mental illness being cared for in psychiatric inpatient or day care settings who also use or misuse alcohol and/or illicit or other drugs*. It also covers organisational and management issues to help mental health services manage these patients effectively. The key message is that the assessment and management of drug and alcohol use are core competences required by clinical staff in mental health services. The guidance aims to: â?¢ encourage integration of drug and alcohol expertise and related training into mental health service provision; â?¢ provide ideas and guidance to front-line staff and manages to help them provide the most effective therapeutic environments; â?¢ help mental health services plan action on dual diagnosisâ? .This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Information about drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know: information for parents, carers and anyone who works with young people. About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet offers practical advice for parents, teachers and carers who are worried that a young person is misusing drugs or alcohol. Why do I need to know about a young person using drugs or alcohol? Many young people smoke, drink alcohol and may try drugs. It is important you are aware of this and do not ignore it as a time when they are just having fun or experimenting. It doesnââ,‰"¢t take much for the young people to soon lose control and to need help to recover from this problem. How common is it? By the age of 16, up to half of young people have tried an illegal drug. Young people are trying drugs earlier and more are drinking alcohol. What are the different types of drugs which cause problems? The most commonly used, readily available and strongly addictive drugs are tobacco and alcohol. There are numerous others that can be addictive. Alcohol and cannabis are sometimes seen as ââ,¬Ëogatewayââ,‰"¢ drugs that lead to the world of other drugs like cocaine and heroin. Drugs are also classed as ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,‰"¢ andââ,¬Ëoillegalââ,‰"¢. The obviously illegal drugs include cannabis (hash), speed (amphetamines), ecstasy (E), cocaine and heroin. Using ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,‰"¢ drugs (like cigarettes, alcohol, petrol, glue) does not mean they are safe or allowed to be misused. It just means they may be bought or sold for specific purposes and are limited to use by specific age groups. There are clear laws regarding alcohol and young people. For more detailed information on various drugs, their side-effects and the law, see ââ,¬ËoFurther Informationââ,‰"¢ at the end of the factsheet. Why do young people use drugs or alcohol? Young people may try or use drugs or alcohol for various reasons. They may do it for fun, because they are curious, or to be like their friends. Some are experimenting with the feeling of intoxication. Sometimes they use it to cope with difficult situations or feelings of worry and low mood. A young person is more likely to try or use drugs or alcohol if they hang out or stay with friends or family who use them. What can be the problems related to using drugs or alcohol? Drugs and alcohol can have different effects on different people. In young people especially the effects can be unpredictable and potentially dangerous. Even medications for sleep or painkillers can be addictive and harmful if not used the way they are prescribed by a doctor. Drugs and alcohol can damage health. Sharing needles or equipment can cause serious infections, such as HIV and hepatitis. Accidents, arguments and fights are more likely after drinking and drug use. Young people are more likely to engage in unprotected sex when using drugs. Using drugs can lead to serious mental illnesses, such as psychosis and depression. When does it become addiction or problem? It is very difficult to know when exactly using drugs or alcohol is more than just ââ,¬Ëocasualââ,‰"¢. Addiction becomes more obvious when the young person spends most of their time thinking about, looking for or using drugs. Drugs or alcohol then become the focus of the young personââ,‰"¢s life. They ignore their usual work, such as not doing their schoolwork, or stop doing their usual hobbies/sports such as dancing or football. How do I know if there is a problem or addiction? Occasional use can be very difficult to detect. If the young person is using on a regular basis, their behaviour often changes. Look for signs such as: ïâ?s§ unexplained moodiness ïâ?s§ behaviour that is ââ,¬Ëoout of character' ïâ?s§ loss of interest in school or friends ïâ?s§ unexplained loss of clothes or money ïâ?s§ unusual smells and items like silver foil, needle covers. Remember, the above changes can also mean other problems, such as depression, rather than using drugs. What do I do if I am worried? If you suspect young person is using drugs, remember some general rules. ïâ?s§ Pay attention to what the child is doing, including schoolwork, friends and leisure time. ïâ?s§ Learn about the effects of alcohol and drugs (see websites listed below). ïâ?s§ Listen to what the child says about alcohol and drugs, and talk about it with them. ïâ?s§ Encourage the young person to be informed and responsible about drugs and alcohol. ïâ?s§ Talk to other parents, friends or teachers about drugs - the facts and your fears and seek help. If someone in the family or close friend is using drugs or alcohol, it is important that they seek help too. It may be hard to expect the young person to give up, especially if a parent or carer is using it too. My child is abusing drugs. What do I do? ïâ?s§ If your child is using drugs or alcohol, seek help. ïâ?s§ Do stay calm and make sure of facts. ïâ?s§ Don't give up on them, get into long debates or arguments when they are drunk, stoned or high. ïâ?s§ Donââ,‰"¢t be angry or blame themââ,‰?othey need your help and trust to make journey of recovery. Where can I get help? You can talk in confidence to a professional like your GP or practice nurse, a local drug project or your local child and adolescent mental health. They can refer your child to relevant services and they will be able to offer you advice and support. You may also be able to seek help through a school nurse, teacher or social worker. You can find this information from your local area telephone book or council website, or ask for the address from your health centre. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Objectives: Failed back surgery syndrome (FBSS) patients experience pain, functional disability, and reduced health-related quality of life (HRQoL) despite anatomically successful surgery. Examining sub-dimensions of health outcomes measures provides insight into patient well-being. Materials and Methods: The international multicenter PROCESS trial collected detailed HRQoL (EuroQol-5D; Short-Form 36) and function (Oswestry Disability Index) information on 100 FBSS patients. Results: At baseline, patients reported moderate-to-severe leg and back pain adversely affecting all dimensions of function and HRQoL. Compared with conventional medical management alone, patients also receiving spinal cord stimulation (SCS) reported superior pain relief, function, and HRQoL at six months on overall and most sub-component scores. The majority of these improvements with SCS were sustained at 24 months. Nonetheless, 36-40% of patients experienced ongoing marked disability (standing, lifting) and HRQoL problems (pain/discomfort). Conclusions: Longer-term patient management and research must focus on these refractory FBSS patients with persisting poor function and HRQoL outcomes.

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The word tradition has a very specific meaning in linguistics: the passing down of a text, which may have been completed or corrected by different copyists at different times, when the concept of authorship was not the same as it is today. When reading an ancient text the word tradition must be in the reader's mind. To discuss one of the problems an ancient text poses to its modern readers, this work deals with one of the first printed medical texts in Portuguese, the Regimento proueytoso contra ha pestenença, and draws a parallel between it and two related texts, A moche profitable treatise against the pestilence, and the Recopilaçam das cousas que conuem guardar se no modo de preseruar à Cidade de Lixboa E os sãos, & curar os que esteuerem enfermos de Peste. The problems which arise out of the textual structure of those books show how difficult is to establish a tradition of another type, the medical tradition. The linguistic study of the innumerable medieval plague treatises may throw light on the continuities and on the disruptions of the so-called hippocratic-galenical medical tradition.

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Trypanosoma cruzi is a hemoflagelate parasite associated with heart dysfunctions causing serious problems in Central and South America. Beagle dogs develop the symptoms of Chagas disease in humans, and could be an important experimental model for better understanding the immunopathogenic mechanisms involved in the chagasic infection. In the present study we investigated the relation among biological factors inherent to the parasite (trypomastigote polymorphism and in vitro infectivity) and immunoglobulin production, inflammation, and fibrosis in the heart of Beagle dogs infected with either T. cruzi Y or Berenice-78 strains. In vitro infectivity of Vero cells as well as the extension of cardiac lesions in infected Beagle was higher for Y strain when compared to Berenice-78 strain. These data suggested that in vitro infectivity assays may correlate with pathogenicity in vivo. In fact, animals infected with Y strain, which shows prevalence of slender forms and high infectivity in vitro, presented cardiomegaly, inflammation, and fibrosis in heart area. Concerning the immunoglobulin production, no statistically significant difference was observed for IgA, IgM or IgG levels among T. cruzi infected animals. However, IgA together IgM levels have shown to be a good marker for the acute phase of Chagas disease.

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During the past twenty years, various instruments have been developed for the assessment of substance use in adolescents, mainly in the United States. However, few of them have been adapted to, and validated in, French-speaking populations. Consequently, although increasing alcohol and drug use among teenagers has become a major concern, the various health and social programs developed in response to this specific problem have received little attention with regard to follow-up and outcome assessment. A standardized multidimensional assessment instrument adapted for adolescents is needed to assess the individual needs of adolescents and assign them to the most appropriate treatment setting, to provide a single measurement within and across health and social systems, and to conduct treatment outcome evaluations. Moreover, having an available instrument makes it possible to develop longitudinal and trans-cultural research studies. For this reason, a French version of the Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD) was developed and validated at the University Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinic in Lausanne, Switzerland. This paper aims to discuss the methodological issues that we faced when using the ADAD instrument in a 4-year longitudinal study including adolescent substance users. Methodological aspects relating to the content and format of the instrument, the assessment administration and the statistical analyses are discussed.

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AIM: To assess whether repeating a grade was associated with drug use among adolescents after controlling for personal, family and school-related variables, and whether there were differences between students in mandatory and post-mandatory school. METHODS: Data were drawn from the Catalonia Adolescent Health Survey, a cross-sectional study of in-school adolescents aged 14-19 y. The index group included 366 subjects who were repeating a grade at the time the survey was carried out (old-for-grade, OFG). A control group matched by gender, school and being one grade ahead was randomly chosen among all the subjects who had never repeated a grade. All statistically significant variables in the bivariate analysis were included in a multivariate analysis. In a second step, all analyses were repeated for students in mandatory (14-16 y) and post-mandatory (17-19 y) school. RESULTS: After controlling for background variables, subjects in the index group were more likely to perceive that most of their peers were using synthetic drugs and to have ever used them, to have bad grades and a worse relationship with their teachers. OFG students in mandatory school were more likely to have divorced parents, bad grades and have ever used synthetic drugs, whereas they were less likely to be regular drinkers. OFG students in post-mandatory school were more likely to have below average grades, to be regular smokers and to perceive that most of their peers used synthetic drugs. CONCLUSIONS: When background variables are taken into consideration, the relationship between repeating a grade and drug use is not so clear. By increasing the familial and academic support of adolescents with academic underachievement, we could reduce their drug consumption.