812 resultados para Universal Declaration of Human Rights


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Linked Data is not always published with a license. Sometimes a wrong license type is used, like a license for software, or it is not expressed in a standard, machine readable manner. Yet, Linked Data resources may be subject to intellectual property and database laws, may contain personal data subject to privacy restrictions or may even contain important trade secrets. The proper declaration of which rights are held, waived or licensed is a must for the lawful use of Linked Data at its different granularity levels, from the simple RDF statement to a dataset or a mapping. After comparing the current practice with the actual needs, six research questions are posed.

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In this work we study Twitter data to understand influence dynamics in social networks. We define user efficiency on Twitter, as the ratio between the emergent spreading process and the activity employed by the user. We characterize this property by means of a quantitative analysis of the structural and dynamical patterns emergent from human interactions, and show it to be universal across several Twitter conversations.

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beta-Oxidation of long-chain fatty acids provides the major source of energy in the heart. Defects in enzymes of the beta-oxidation pathway cause sudden, unexplained death in childhood, acute hepatic encephalopathy or liver failure, skeletal myopathy, and cardiomyopathy. Very-long-chain acyl-CoA dehydrogenase [VLCAD; very-long-chain-acyl-CoA:(acceptor) 2,3-oxidoreductase, EC 1.3.99.13] catalyzes the first step in beta-oxidation. We have isolated the human VLCAD cDNA and gene and determined the complete nucleotide sequences. Polymerase chain reaction amplification of VLCAD mRNA and genomic exons defined the molecular defects in two patients with VLCAD deficiency who presented with unexplained cardiac arrest and cardiomyopathy. In one, a homozygous mutation in the consensus dinucleotide of the donor splice site (g+1-->a) was associated with universal skipping of the prior exon (exon 11). The second patient was a compound heterozygote, with a missense mutation, C1837-->T, changing the arginine at residue 613 to tryptophan on one allele and a single base deletion at the intron-exon 6 boundary as the second mutation. This initial delineation of human mutations in VLCAD suggests that VLCAD deficiency reduces myocardial fatty acid beta-oxidation and energy production and is associated with cardiomyopathy and sudden death in childhood.

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Women and children become victims of human trafficking and exploitation as a result of economic globalization, national history, social structures, and geographical positioning. Human trafficking has increasingly become a global crisis of human rights violations, threatening the lives of women and children in developing countries, like the Philippines. The Philippines can evolve into a model for ending the exploitation of human trafficking if the government commits to implementing internationally recognized strategies, such as strengthening the prosecution of traffickers, providing efficient support for victims, and partnering with international organizations and local non-governmental organizations to further prevent human trafficking from occurring. The results will be felt locally, nationally, and internationally, helping the global community meet the challenges of the Millennium Development Goals.

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Why does the European Union (EU) join international human rights treaties? This paper develops motivational profiles pertaining either to a ‘logic of appropriateness’ or a ‘logic of consequentialism’ in order to answer this question. It compares the EU’s motivations for its recent accession to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) with those dominating the EU’s nonaccession to the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention). Based on this cross-case analysis, I argue that the EU’s accession decisions are best viewed as cost-benefit calculations and explained by the strength of opposition and the desire to spread its norms. The EU is only marginally concerned with efforts to construct an ‘appropriate role’, although its accession considerations are positively influenced by (varying degrees) of an internalized commitment to human rights. The paper aims at deepening the understanding of the EU’s motivations in the paradigmatic hard case of accession to international human rights treaties not least to evaluate the EU’s ‘exceptional nature’, facilitate its predictability for stake-holders and contribute to political and ethical debates surrounding future rites of passage as a global actor.

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From the Introduction. May I say how delighted I am at this opportunity of talking to you today about the perspective of a Strasbourg judge on the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. It goes without saying that the views I here express are not to be attributed to the Court itself; yet they may be taken as reflecting, in a general sense, what I regard to be the Strasbourg approach.

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Structured human rights dialogues are held with each of the five Central Asian republics. They are designed to discuss questions of mutual interest and enhance cooperation on human rights as well as to raise the concerns of the EU on human rights in Central Asia. In addition, the dialogues seek to involve human rights activists, NGO members, and academia representatives from both Europe and Central Asia through civil society seminars. But is this working? Is improvement in human rights noticeable in the region? This policy brief reviews and evaluates the performance of the dialogues to date, paying specific attention to the shortcomings of the existing practices, and provides recommendations for what could be improved with regard to planning and procedures.

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Questions regarding oil spills remain high on the political agenda. Legal scholars, legislators as well as the international, European and national Courts struggle to determine key issues, such as who is to be held liable for oil spills, under which conditions and for which damage. The international regime on oil spills was meant to establish an “equilibrium” between the needs of the victims (being compensated for their harm) and the needs of the economic actors (being able to continue their activities). There is, however, a constantly increasing array of legal scholars’ work that criticizes the regime. Indeed, the victims of a recent oil spill, the Erika, have tried to escape the international regime on oil spills and to rely instead on the provisions of national criminal law or EC waste legislation. In parallel, the EC legislator has questioned the sufficiency of the international regime, as it has started preparing legislative acts of its own. One can in fact wonder whether challenging the international liability regime with the European Convention on Human Rights could prove to be a way forward, both for the EC regulators as well as the victims of oil spills. This paper claims that the right to property, as enshrined in Article P1-1 of the Human Rights Convention, could be used to challenge the limited environmental liability provisions of the international frameworks.

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Introduction. This chapter takes a closer look at the European Union (EU), China, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s respective approaches to dealing with non-traditional security (NTS) challenges by investigating their policies toward Burma/Myanmar—a source country of numerous such challenges. It argues that, although all, as members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), see the need for multilateral solutions to fight organized crime, provide disaster relief, combat terrorism, prevent drug trafficking, etc., they differ with respect to the steps to be taken to protect human security in Asia-Pacific. China, initially hesitant to join the ARF for fear that other members might try to contain it, has come to value the principal forum for NTS challenges in the Asia-Pacific region since, like many ASEAN countries, it is a big proponent of non-interventionism, non-use of force, consensus decision-making, that is, the confidence-building mechanisms commonly referred to as the ‘ASEAN way’.2 The EU, as a strong proponent of human rights and the rule of law, repeatedly, has criticized ARF members for allowing sovereignty-related norms to get in the way of the protection of human rights, but it has refrained from assuming the role of norm exporter. As will be seen in the case of Burma/Myanmar, the EU does make its opinions heard and, when necessary, will take unilateral steps not supported by the ASEAN members of the ARF but, cognizant of the history of the region, for the most part, settles for supporting economic development and aiding in capacity-building, understanding that it would be counter-productive to exert pressure on reluctant ARF members to modify the non-interference norm. The chapter then speculates about the ‘ASEAN way’s’ longevity, arguing that, increasingly, there are internal and external dynamics that seem to indicate that the ‘ASEAN way,’ at least in its current form, may not be here to stay. The conclusion looks at what might be in store for Burma/Myanmar in the years to come.

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A guide to Human Rights within the European Union and in the wider Europe, with hyperlinks to sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites