877 resultados para Puppet theater. Popular culture. Tradition. Modernity


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O culto a Nossa Senhora de Nazaré é uma devoção popular muito antiga em Belém do Pará, quase tão antiga quanto a cidade, pois esse culto se consolidou na mesma época em que se constituiu o município de Belém e o Estado do Pará. A população de devotos cresceu junto com a população dos habitantes da cidade. Tal fato propiciou que essa devoção popular se enraizasse profundamente na cultura paraense, penetrando até a auto-imagem do paraense católico, moldando a sua identidade cultural. A maior expressão desse culto é a grande romaria que os devotos realizam todos os anos no mês de outubro, que é conhecida como Círio de Nazaré e reúne uma média de dois milhões de pessoas, aproximadamente. O Círio de 2002 foi o recorte etnológico dessa pesquisa que disserta sobre as práticas cotidianas dos devotos no seu culto a Nossa Senhora de Nazaré, sobre como a religiosidade popular insere-se no dia-a-dia dos indivíduos, influenciando as representações sociais e recebendo a influência delas também, em um processo dialético.(AU)

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Este trabalho analisa a fragmentação que vem ocorrendo no neopentecostalismo, procurando investigar as relações entre as causas dessa fragmentação e a forma específica como os grupos neopentecostais se colocam na Modernidade, sobretudo em seus conceitos de poder e nas formas de sua estruturação. Essa investigação é feita em diálogo com as teorias da secularização, da modernidade e do poder moderno e é fundamentada empiricamente em pesquisa de campo qualitativa realizada através de entrevistas com líderes de igrejas neopentecostais na cidade de Sorocaba. Ao desenvolver essa análise, demonstramos como essas expressões religiosas representam uma adaptação ao ambiente da modernidade brasileira e à cultura moderna, especialmente pela assimilação de crenças e práticas populares e da adoção da lógica e da cultura de mercado. É nessa vinculação entre as formas de exercício do poder e o contexto cultural, político e econômico modernos que explica-se a acentuada fragmentação neopentecostal.(AU)

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Este estudo analisa o processo comunicacional em torno das manifestações populares e da história do santo não-canônico piauiense Motorista Gregório. O objetivo geral consistiu em observar, analisar e relacionar a comunicação popular que faz parte do processo à consolidação da figura do milagreiro. As teorias da cultura, especialmente a Folkcomunicação, assim como as da linguagem, configuraram-se referenciais relevantes nas análises das formas de comunicação dos devotos e dos jornais impressos de Teresina. Para isso, utilizou-se uma combinação de metodologias tais como a de Marques de Melo (2008) para inventariar os ex-votos, além de entrevistas semiestruturadas, coleta de depoimentos e observação participante para reunir dados e classificar as informações obtidas. A análise revelou que a oralidade é a forma de comunicação mais utilizada e que mais tem influencia sobre os devotos, que os jornais impressos reproduzem as histórias do povo e que o santo é criado e formado no cotidiano, no convívio dos familiares, vizinhos e amigos.

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Pregnancy provides a very public, visual confirmation of femininity. It is a time of rapid physical and psychological adjustment for women and is surrounded by stereotyping, taboos and social expectations. This book seeks to examine these popular attitudes towards pregnancy and to consider how they influence women’s experiences of being pregnant. Sanctioning Pregnancy offers a unique critique of sociocultural constructions of pregnancy and the ways in which it is represented in contemporary culture, and examines the common myths which exist about diet, exercise and work in pregnancy, alongside notions of risk and media portrayals of pregnant women. Topics covered include: •Do pregnant women change their diet and why? •Is memory really impaired in pregnancy? •How risky behaviour is defined from exercise to employment •The biomedical domination of pregnancy research. Different theoretical standpoints are critically examined, including a medico-scientific model, feminist perspectives and bio-psychosocial and psychodynamic approaches. Table of Contents: Introduction. Cognition and Cognitive Dysfunction. Working and Employment. Dietary Change and Eating. Exercise and Activity. Pregnancy and Risk. Pregnancy Under Surveillance. Concluding Remarks. References/Bibliography. Index.

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THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.

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A tudásmenedzsment-rendszerek kiépítése és működtetése egyre népszerűbb vállalati cél. A legnagyobb igyekezet ellenére is kudarccal végződhet egy ilyen változás megvalósítása, ha a szükséges feltételek nélkül próbálkozunk ezzel a beavatkozással a szervezet életében. Az egyik legfontosabb előfeltétel a bizalomra, közös tanulásra, fejlődésre épülő, nyitott szervezeti kultúra, mely a tanulószervezeti jellemzőkkel írható le. A szerzők kutatásukban arra voltak kíváncsiak, milyen elképzeléseik, vágyaik vannak a felsőoktatásban oktató kollégáknak az ideálisnak nevezett szervezeti kultúráról. Ezeket az elképzeléseket egy külső tanácsadó cég által végzett kérdőíves felmérésen alapuló vizsgálat segítségével tudták meg, melynek kiértékelésére a circumplex-módszer szolgált. Az eredményeket összevetették a tanulószervezeti jellemzőkkel, vizsgálva azt a hipotézist, miszerint az oktató kollégák tudat alatt is olyan ideális szervezetet képzelnek el, mely a tanulószervezeti kultúra jellemzőivel azonos. _________ To create and to operate a knowledge management system is becoming a more and more popular target of the companies. Realizing the changes above can result in a failure – in spite of the biggest will – if organizations lack certain prerequisites which are necessary in companies’ lives. One of the most important prerequisites is organizational culture which can be characterized by confidence, common learning, development and open atmosphere. This is called a learning organizational culture. In their research the authors would have liked to know what kind of dreams the colleagues have about their own organizational culture. They achieve these results from an investigation with questionnaires which were realized by an advisory team. To evaluating the results of this investigation circumplex method was used. These results were compared with the characteristics of learning organization to confirm our hypothesis. According to this idea colleagues have the same images about their successful organization as the characteristics of learning organizations.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that the esperpentos by the Spanish playwright Ramón del Valle-Inclán (1866–1936), represent a culminating moment of theatrical precepts of modern European drama, while perpetuating the ancient esoteric traditions of the Iberian Peninsula. Focusing on four plays—Los cuernos de Don Friolera (1920), Luces de Bohemia (1921), Las galas del difunto (1926) y La hija del Capitán (1927)—the research elucidates how this interpretation furthers understanding of the process that embraces the anti-realistic clamours during the initial decades of the XX century, up to the subsequent climax of the aesthetics of Cruelty, Absurdity, Simulation, and Menace. ^ In search for an ideal scenic language capable of reflecting the grotesque character and mystical essence of the esperpentos, this project examines the most significant works of philosophers from the hermetic tradition such as Plato, Pithagoras, Aquinas, and Flamel. Other important authors are Éliphas Lévy and H. P. Blavatsky, two personalities of great preponderance in the spiritual effervescence and occultist apotheosis at the turn of the 20th century. Finally, the mystical ideas of Spanish philosopher Roso de Luna and the psychological works on alchemy and magic by Jung find their conceptual correspondence in Valle-Inclán's aesthetic manifesto, La lámpara maravillosa. ^ The ultimate objective of this dissertation is to provide a proposal for a mise en scène of the esperpentos, aesthetically based on the simultaneous scenarios of the New Stagecraft and conceptually inspired by the mystical principles of the hermetic tradition. The comparative approach of this study establishes a dialogue between modernity and the esoteric tradition that results in a new Koncept for their representation, providing a simultaneous scenario, far from realistic theatre, and more coherent to house the magical substance of the esperpentos. ^

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This multi-disciplinary research project explores the religious and cultural foundations within the "master commemorative narratives" that frame Israeli and Iranian political discourse. In articulating their grievances against one another, Israeli and Iranian leaders express the tensions between religion, nationalism, and modernity in their own societies. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is constructivist-interpretivist. The concept of "master commemorative narratives" is adapted from Yael Zerubavel's study of ritualized remembrance in Israeli political culture, and applied to both Israeli and Iranian foreign policy. Israel’s master commemorative narrative draws heavily upon the language of the Hebrew Bible, situating foreign policy discourse within a paradigm of covenantal patrimony, exile, and return, despite the unrelenting hostility of eternal enemies and "the nations." Iran’s master commemorative narrative expresses Iranian suspicion of foreign encroachment and interference, and of the internal corruption that they engender, sacralizing resistance to the forces of evil in the figurative language and myths of pre-Islamic tradition and of Shi'a Islam. Using a constructivist-interpretive methodological approach, this research offers a unique interpretive analysis of the parallels between these narratives, where they intersect, and where they come into conflict. It highlights both the broad appeal and the diverse challenges to the components of these "master" narratives within Israeli and Iranian politics and society. The conclusion of this study explains the ways in which the recognition of religious and cultural conflicts through the optic of master commemorative narratives can complement the perspectives of other theoretical approaches and challenge the conventions of Security Studies. It also suggests some of the potential practical applications of this research in devising more effective international diplomacy.

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The status, roles, and interactions of three dominant African ethnic groups and their descendants in Cuba significantly influenced the island's cubanidad (national identity): the Lucumís (Yoruba), the Congos (Bantú speakers from Central West Africa), and the Carabalís (from the region of Calabar). These three groups, enslaved on the island, coexisted, each group confronting obstacles that threatened their way of life and cultural identities. Through covert resistance, cultural appropriation, and accommodation, all three, but especially the Lucumís, laid deep roots in the nineteenth century that came to fruition in the twentieth. During the early 1900s, Cuba confronted numerous pressures, internal and external. Under the pretense of a quest for national identity and modernity, Afro-Cubans and African cultures and religion came under political, social, and intellectual attack. Race was an undeniable element in these conflicts. While all three groups were oppressed equally, only the Lucumís fought back, contesting accusations of backwardness, human sacrifice, cannibalism, and brujería (witchcraft), exaggerated by the sensationalistic media, often with the police's and legal system's complicity. Unlike the covert character of earlier epochs' responses to oppression, in the twentieth century Lucumí resistance was overt and outspoken, publically refuting the accusations levied against African religions. Although these struggles had unintended consequences for the Lucumís, they gave birth to cubanidad's African component. With the help of Fernando Ortiz, the Lucumí were situated at the pinnacle of a hierarchical pyramid, stratifying African religious complexes based on civilizational advancement, but at a costly price. Social ascent denigrated Lucumí religion to the status of folklore, depriving it of its status as a bona fide religious complex. To the present, Lucumí religious descendants, in Cuba and, after 1959, in many other areas of the world, are still contesting this contradiction in terms: an elevated downgrade.

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This flyer promotes the event "The Euro-African Influence in Hispanic Culture and Cuban Music Illustrated, Lecture by Cecilio E. Tieles Ferrer", cosponsored by the FIU Libraries as part of the Viernes de Musicalia series of the Díaz-Ayala Cuban and Latin American Popular Music Collection.

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This multi-disciplinary research project explores the religious and cultural foundations within the “master commemorative narratives” that frame Israeli and Iranian political discourse. In articulating their grievances against one another, Israeli and Iranian leaders express the tensions between religion, nationalism, and modernity in their own societies. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is constructivist-interpretivist. The concept of “master commemorative narratives” is adapted from Yael Zerubavel’s study of ritualized remembrance in Israeli political culture, and applied to both Israeli and Iranian foreign policy. Israel’s master commemorative narrative draws heavily upon the language of the Hebrew Bible, situating foreign policy discourse within a paradigm of covenantal patrimony, exile, and return, despite the unrelenting hostility of eternal enemies and “the nations.” Iran’s master commemorative narrative expresses Iranian suspicion of foreign encroachment and interference, and of the internal corruption that they engender, sacralizing resistance to the forces of evil in the figurative language and myths of pre-Islamic tradition and of Shi‘a Islam. Using a constructivist-interpretive methodological approach, this research offers a unique interpretive analysis of the parallels between these narratives, where they intersect, and where they come into conflict. It highlights both the broad appeal and the diverse challenges to the components of these “master” narratives within Israeli and Iranian politics and society. The conclusion of this study explains the ways in which the recognition of religious and cultural conflicts through the optic of master commemorative narratives can complement the perspectives of other theoretical approaches and challenge the conventions of Security Studies. It also suggests some of the potential practical applications of this research in devising more effective international diplomacy.

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This work has as a research subject of popular education policies of the city of Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, in the years 1957 to 1964. It aims to identify and analyze popular education policies developed and implemented by the Municipality of Natal in these years. To get the historical data, we establish as a guiding reserch question the following: Which elaborated educational policies were implemented by the Municipality of Natal in the years 1957-1964? and took over as the method Evidential Paradigm as proposition in Pinheiro (2009). This is anchored in documentary sources of Educational Legislation at National, State and Municipal levels as well as in the newspapers Folha de Tarde and Jornal de Natal; in existing documents from the archives of the Historical and Geographical Institute of Rio Grande do Norte (IHGRN), the Municipal Public Archives of Natal; iconographic sources; interviews and academic publications. In addition to these sources, we were inspired by the works of Aristotles (2011), Hobbes (2009), Freire (2011), Góes (1980), Germano (1989), Cortez (2005) and Galvão (2004). This research allowed us to understand that policies of popular education of Natal (RN) were based on a democratic educational practice, supported on three pillars, namely: participation and involvement of Natal population; construction and reconstruction of teaching practices in prioritizing their action programs to mass literacy and the training of lay teachers; and the democratization of culture. This historical process made Natal on educating city.

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In this work we defend the thesis that the movements of culture and popular education in the 1960s in Brazil, manifested itself into resistance to hegemonic thought, coming from the North, which reduced the popular individuals and their knowledge to the ignorant condition. The focus of our study lies on the resistance produced by these movements in the history of the Country. We used as theoretical reflective foundation the thinking of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and his thesis about the construction of rationalities focused in the fight against indolent reason and the deconstruction of the inferiority in the colonized plan. But the analysis also favors approaches of other authors in the proportion that deals with the action of social actors of culture and popular education movements that have marked their presence in the public space, whose views and interests were invented and reinvented constantly in the relacional game. From the point of empirical view, the research makes use of bibliographies and written documentary sources such as newspaper articles, speeches, statements, manifests and documents like these. The research intends to seek in the past the understanding of those Movements in an effort to enable the viewing of certain remnants of the past that have relevance as social and academic wealth of experience. From the popular and the local, movements of culture and popular education in the 1960s, they overcame the barriers of invisibility and raised Itself to the plan of the global history, when they began to become protagonists of their own history, until their dreams were buried by the 1964 tragedy.

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In this work we defend the thesis that the movements of culture and popular education in the 1960s in Brazil, manifested itself into resistance to hegemonic thought, coming from the North, which reduced the popular individuals and their knowledge to the ignorant condition. The focus of our study lies on the resistance produced by these movements in the history of the Country. We used as theoretical reflective foundation the thinking of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and his thesis about the construction of rationalities focused in the fight against indolent reason and the deconstruction of the inferiority in the colonized plan. But the analysis also favors approaches of other authors in the proportion that deals with the action of social actors of culture and popular education movements that have marked their presence in the public space, whose views and interests were invented and reinvented constantly in the relacional game. From the point of empirical view, the research makes use of bibliographies and written documentary sources such as newspaper articles, speeches, statements, manifests and documents like these. The research intends to seek in the past the understanding of those Movements in an effort to enable the viewing of certain remnants of the past that have relevance as social and academic wealth of experience. From the popular and the local, movements of culture and popular education in the 1960s, they overcame the barriers of invisibility and raised Itself to the plan of the global history, when they began to become protagonists of their own history, until their dreams were buried by the 1964 tragedy.

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Nas décadas de 1970 e 1980 houve a eclosão de experiências comunicacionais populares, em todo Brasil, com vasta produção de materiais, especialmente arquivados pelos centros de documentação. Em sua maioria, criados e financiados por setores progressistas da Igreja Católica e Protestante. Entre eles, o Centro de Pastoral Vergueiro (CPV) e o Centro de Comunicação e Educação Popular de São Miguel Paulista (CEMI) que também tiveram importante papel na construção e preservação da memória das lutas populares no período de reorganização social, no contexto de distensão da ditadura militar. No entanto, tais acervos estão em iminente risco, por falta de investimento e vontade política. O que seria um prejuízo histórico e científico para movimentos sociais atuais e à pesquisa acadêmica. O objetivo do estudo é identificar a que se deve este desinteresse. A abordagem se dá pelo método da história oral e como técnicas de investigação adotamos a pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e a pesquisa de campo, por meio da entrevista em profundidade. A falta de uma política pública que garanta a preservação dos documentos é sinal de que no Brasil predomina uma cultura que não privilegia a memória, sobretudo das camadas empobrecidas da população. Além do que, a memória pode ser subversiva. Afinal tais documentos expressam a força da participação popular no processo de transformação social e podem despertar novas ações, o que não interessa aos grupos que estão no poder.