915 resultados para Post-Second World War
Resumo:
In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.
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In international law the internment of civilians has only been regulated in writing in the context of the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949. Nevertheless this did not mean that civilians were not protected by at least some rules of customary international law before that date and especially in World War I. Furthermore specialists of international law expected states – at least those considered to be part of the community of civilized nations – to continue to treat all men equal before the law even in wartime. As research already conducted (Bird, Panayi, Fischer) has shown, this was not the case during World War I. Based on these findings the presentation proposed here wants to look into the development of international law and into some national preparations for treating so called “enemy aliens” in the period before 1914 (Austria-Hungary, Australia, United Kingdom), in order to see to what extent principles of international law protecting civilians from the consequences of war can be detected in the pre-war preparations. As far as can be judged so far the issue of loyalty was central in this context. Looking at the war itself, the presentation proposed here will try to look at how far the principles of international law alluded to above continued to influence the policies on “enemy aliens” in the countries mentioned and to see, how the International Committee of the Red Cross tried to use them to legitimize and expand its protective policies in regard to civilians interned in belligerent as well as neutral countries throughout the war.
Resumo:
Total war is a controversial term used in the past by politicians, publicists and military officers as well as by computer specialists and academics in the present. Since its conception by French politicians during the First World War in a time of severe crisis (1916/17), it has become a term used by historians and other academics to cover a wide array of elements when looking at wars of the past. A real total war was and is impossible. Elements of total war – total war aims, total methods of warfare, total mobilization and total control – can, however, be identified and can serve as a useful tool for further transnational research on war.
Resumo:
Starting of from Avner Offer’s comment that the First World War was not only a war of steel and gold, but also of bread and potatoes (1989: 1) and my own research on British as well as Australian preparations for economic warfare and based on sources from the entente as well as the central powers but also from the United States, Canada and Australia, may presentation will focus on the interdependence of the measures taken by entente as well as central power authorities in the second half of 1916. Already a year before both sides had become aware that this war would not only be decided on the battlefield, but that the issues of primary as well as secondary resources would be decisive. Accordingly measures that could strike the enemy in this field were discussed and put into place more and more and this at time, when weather conditions caused a reduction of harvest all over Europe, Northern America and Argentina.
Resumo:
The Ottoman Empire’s status as a full member of the international community of civilized states, which was bound by the rules of international law, had been challenged again and again during the formative period of the international law in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. When the First World War began, it was the first global military conflict, in which these rules of international law were put to the test. In the case of the Ottoman Empire quite a few questions were not yet settled, not least because the country was still bound by unequal treaties and because it had never ratified the renewed Hague Rules of Land Warfare of 1907, which it had only signed under reservations. Against this background the contribution will therefore focus on the debate amongst legal scholars on violations of the laws of war (and humanity) in regard to the Ottoman Empire during the First World War.
Resumo:
Background. First synthesized in 1874, dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) was not used until the second half of World War II after its insecticidal properties were discovered in 1939. For decades DDT has been used globally with the intent of eradicating malaria. This began in 1955 when the eighth World Health Assembly launched a global campaign selecting DDT as the chemical of choice for the eradication of malaria. The United States banned DDT use in 1972 partially due to the publication of “Silent Spring” by Rachel Carson in 1962 which suggested that DDT was harmful to the environment, wildlife and is a carcinogen. ^ Objectives. To critically review the literature on DDT, and evaluate its importance in malaria prevention and control. Methods: The design of this systematic literature review is a narrative summary and evaluation of the papers reviewed. The data came from searches using PubMed and MEDLINE which are free and publicly available databases. Inclusive criteria that were considered during the search are English language peer reviewed journal articles published in the last 20 years. The keywords were: “insecticidal and agricultural use of DDT”, “human impact of malaria”, “economic impact of malaria”, “benefits of DDT”, “effects of DDT”, “importance of malaria control”, and alternatives to DDT for malaria control. ^ Results. Malaria continues to be one of the most common infectious diseases and creates a tremendous global public health problem. WHO recommends DDT for malaria vector control because compared to other pesticides, it is the most persistent in indoor spraying. ^ Conclusion. Indoor spraying of DDT in malaria endemic areas may cause increased exposure of the chemical to humans; however I conclude that the overall benefits outweigh the risks because more lives are saved due to fewer infections with malaria.^
Resumo:
Desde 1861 hasta hoy, aunque con interpretaciones muy diferentes, Garibaldi es un ícono de la historia italiana y ha sido y es la opción ideal del héroe que luchó por la unificación de Italia, por la libertad de los otros pueblos, al representar siempre un modelo de personaje funcional en perspectiva pedagógica para la dimensión unitaria del país. Se desencadenó así un proceso sociológico de identificación a través de las imágenes y un registro de la memoria que ha encontrado su desarrollo en la epopeya garibaldina de la Primera Guerra Mundial y más tarde en la epopeya de la Resistencia. La leyenda garibaldina se transmitió, además, a través de la literatura, gracias a escritores como Edmundo de Amicis, a través del cual se puede apreciar el elogio del patrimonio cultural que representan los grandes escritores del pasado, como humus de la alcanzada unidad del país. Después de su muerte, la iconografía monumental intentará enviar un mensaje de unidad política de los italianos, erigiendo estatuas en las que se representan a Garibaldi y a Vittorio Emanuele, ambos a caballo, con la idea simbólica de un encuentro entre la revolución democrática de uno y el centralismo monárquico del otro.
Resumo:
Este artículo se propone analizar el universo de prácticas humanitarias en la expatriación catalana republicana en la segunda posguerra mundial haciendo foco en el papel jugado por el intercambio epistolar que se desarrolló entre Francia y la Argentina; y en el modo en que esa correspondencia entre víctimas, familiares, testigos y benefactores localizados a ambos lados del Atlántico permite dar cuenta del funcionamiento de redes de circulación transnacional de ayuda solidaria no exentas de tensiones políticas. El trabajo pretende complejizar el tradicional enfoque estado-nación céntrico de los estudios sobre el exilio republicano español desde el interés por la reconstrucción de los vínculos e interconexiones epistolares entre comunidades de la expatriación (refugiados, evacuados, emigrados, exiliados) en orden a la cimentación de aquellas estrategias y proyectos de ayuda que tuvieron como protagonista al Comité Pro Catalans Refugiats a França del Casal de Catalunya de Buenos Aires. Partimos del supuesto de que la correspondencia constituyó en el mundo disperso de la emigración y el exilio entre la guerra civil española y la segunda posguerra mundial, uno de los instrumentos fundamentales de construcción de puentes, de cimentación de vínculos y de materialización de proyectos colectivos.
Resumo:
Rómulo Betancourt y Juan D. Perón lideraron movimientos políticos considerados génesis de la democracia de masas en sus respectivos países, jalonada por sendos mítines populares del 17 de octubre de 1945 en Caracas y Buenos Aires, cuyo significado fue realzado como causa del proceso político ulterior. Pese a las diferencias, se destacan algunas semejanzas, tales como el contenido popular de ambos movimientos y cierta base de sustentación castrense. Se incluye un marco explicativo del proceso político venezolano precedente pero, en lo sustancial, el análisis se centra en el breve periodo transcurrido entre finales de la Segunda Guerra y el inicio de la Guerra Fría, cuando se produjeron cambios políticos en Argentina y Venezuela con un gran protagonismo de ambos dirigentes en sus respectivos países y en las recíprocas intromisiones que llevaron a cabo, enfatizando la oposición expresa de Betancourt hacia Perón desde el golpe de Estado del 4 de junio de 1943.
Resumo:
Rómulo Betancourt y Juan D. Perón lideraron movimientos políticos considerados génesis de la democracia de masas en sus respectivos países, jalonada por sendos mítines populares del 17 de octubre de 1945 en Caracas y Buenos Aires, cuyo significado fue realzado como causa del proceso político ulterior. Pese a las diferencias, se destacan algunas semejanzas, tales como el contenido popular de ambos movimientos y cierta base de sustentación castrense. Se incluye un marco explicativo del proceso político venezolano precedente pero, en lo sustancial, el análisis se centra en el breve periodo transcurrido entre finales de la Segunda Guerra y el inicio de la Guerra Fría, cuando se produjeron cambios políticos en Argentina y Venezuela con un gran protagonismo de ambos dirigentes en sus respectivos países y en las recíprocas intromisiones que llevaron a cabo, enfatizando la oposición expresa de Betancourt hacia Perón desde el golpe de Estado del 4 de junio de 1943.
Resumo:
Rómulo Betancourt y Juan D. Perón lideraron movimientos políticos considerados génesis de la democracia de masas en sus respectivos países, jalonada por sendos mítines populares del 17 de octubre de 1945 en Caracas y Buenos Aires, cuyo significado fue realzado como causa del proceso político ulterior. Pese a las diferencias, se destacan algunas semejanzas, tales como el contenido popular de ambos movimientos y cierta base de sustentación castrense. Se incluye un marco explicativo del proceso político venezolano precedente pero, en lo sustancial, el análisis se centra en el breve periodo transcurrido entre finales de la Segunda Guerra y el inicio de la Guerra Fría, cuando se produjeron cambios políticos en Argentina y Venezuela con un gran protagonismo de ambos dirigentes en sus respectivos países y en las recíprocas intromisiones que llevaron a cabo, enfatizando la oposición expresa de Betancourt hacia Perón desde el golpe de Estado del 4 de junio de 1943.
Resumo:
El siglo XX ha sido el siglo de los desplazamientos. Una ingente cantidad de personas fueron forzadas por motivos políticos, o se vieron obligadas por motivos económicos, a abandonar sus territorios de origen, generando un distanciamiento que en la mayoría de los casos resultaría irrecuperable. Las penurias vividas en Europa, las oportunidades que se abrían en países americanos, o la presión ejercida por los regímenes totalitarios, llevaron a un buen número de profesionales, artistas e intelectuales europeos a territorio americano. El presente trabajo se propone indagar sobre una de esas migraciones que se establecieron en Latinoamérica en la primera mitad del siglo XX: la de los arquitectos españoles que se vieron forzados al exilio. Para ello se busca poner en evidencia no sólo sus aportaciones sino también la influencia que ejerció en su obra la cultura de los países de adopción. Venezuela recibió gran parte del contingente de arquitectos españoles desplazados como consecuencia de la Guerra Civil. Tras México fue el país que mayor número acogió. La llegada de dichos exiliados coincidió con el momento en que la sociedad venezolana, de base agrícola y comercial, pasaría a evidenciar el impacto de la revolución petrolera. Así pues, dicha llegada supuso no sólo la dramática pérdida del mundo previo, implícita en todo exilio, sino el arribo a una sociedad en profundo proceso de cambio. En ambos casos se trataba de “mundos que se desvanecen”. Se propone la asunción de la obra de dichos profesionales como una arquitectura desplazada. Un desplazamiento que se produce en dos sentidos: por un lado, se trata de un desplazamiento físico, por otro, la palabra desplazada habla también de la condición secundaria que adquiere la arquitectura ante el drama vital y de supervivencia que afectó a los exiliados. Así pues, a un desplazamiento físico, verificable, se une un desplazamiento en cuanto al nivel de importancia y de atención asignado a la arquitectura. El trabajo comprende una introducción, cuatro capítulos, y un epílogo, a modo de conclusión. A lo largo de dichos capítulos se conjugan el enfoque individual en la obra de uno de estos arquitectos desterrados, Rafael Bergamín, y la visión “coral” de diversas trayectorias vitales que enfrentaron un destino común. Se elige la figura de Bergamín como eje de desarrollo debido a la presencia significativa que tuvo su obra tanto en España como en Venezuela, y por la caracterización de la misma como obra construida en colaboración. La introducción, “Exilios arquitectónicos”, muestra el sustrato estructural, la fundamentación y la metodología empleada, incluyendo “problematizaciones” sobre el exilio arquitectónico. El primer capítulo, “Memoria de partida”, da cuenta de la formación y actuación, durante la preguerra, de los arquitectos españoles que saldrían al exilio. Se introduce un esquema de base generacional y se revela un panorama para nada unívoco. El segundo capítulo, “Guerra y salida al exilio”, aborda la actuación de dichos arquitectos durante la contienda bélica así como la posterior dispersión general del exilio. El tercer capítulo, “Construir desde lo que se desvanece. Arquitectos del exilio español en Venezuela”, propone diversos presupuestos conceptuales en torno al tema del desplazamiento en la arquitectura, revisando la adscripción disciplinar y profesional de los arquitectos españoles exiliados en Venezuela. El cuarto capítulo, “El regreso”, versa sobre el recorrido final de estos arquitectos. Como marco general, se revisa su itinerario de regreso o, en muchos casos, la imposibilidad de retorno. Por último, se dispone la fuente de los diversos documentos de archivos y repositorios, así como el aparato bibliográfico y referencial, empleados en la investigación. Tres anexos se adjuntan al corpus del trabajo. El primero presenta documentos inéditos, hallados durante el pertinente proceso de investigación; el segundo, dibujos de Bergamín, básicamente de las primeras décadas del siglo XX: caricaturas, anuncios y trabajos de la Escuela; el tercero, un esbozo biográfico de los arquitectos del exilio español. ABSTRACT The 20th Century has been the century of displacements. An enormous number of people were forced to leave their homelands for political or economic reasons, which generated a gap that in most of the cases would be unrecoverable. The hardships that people had to endure in Europe, the opportunities that emerged in American countries, or the pressure exerted by totalitarian regimes drove a good number of European professionals, artists and intellectuals to American territory. This research study is intended to investigate one of those migrations that settled in Latin America during the first half of the 20th century: the one of the Spanish architects that were forced into exile. To achieve this, an attempt was made to expose not only their contributions but also the influence that the culture of the countries which welcomed them exerted in their work. Venezuela received a large portion of Spanish architects who were displaced as a consequence of the Civil War. After Mexico, it was the country that sheltered the greatest number of persons. The arrival of these exiled Spanish architects coincided with the moment in which the Venezuelan society – based on agriculture and commerce – would witness the impact of the revolution of the oil industry. Thus, their arrival supposed not only experiencing the dramatic loss of their previous world – implicit in the notion of the exile – but also settling in a society going through a profound change process. In both cases it was about “two worlds that were vanishing.” The assumption of these architects’ work is regarded as a displaced architecture. A displacement that takes place in two ways: on one hand, there was a physical displacement, and on the other hand, the word displaced also talks about the second place that architecture is given when confronted with the urgent drama of survival that affected the exiled community. Hence, a physical, verifiable displacement is combined with a displacement that has to do with the importance and the attention given to architecture. This research study encompasses an introduction, four chapters, and an epilogue as a conclusion. Throughout the chapters, the individual approach to the work of one of these exiled architects, Rafael Bergamín, runs in parallel to an overall view of various other architects’ career paths that faced a common destiny. The work of the architect Bergamín was chosen as the center of this research study due to the significant presence that his work had in Spain as well as in Venezuela, and because its main characteristic was that it was built in collaboration with other architects. The introduction, “Architectural exiles”, shows the structural contextualization, the explanatory thesis statement and the methodology used, including “problematizations” about the architectural exile. The first chapter, “Memory of departure”, contains the academic background and performance during the pre-war time of the Spanish architects that would go into exile. An outline based on different generations and revealing an unambiguous perspective is introduced. The second chapter, “War and departure into exile”, tackles the performance of the Spanish architects during the war, as well as the following general diaspora into exile. The third chapter, “Building from what vanishes. Architects of the Spanish exile in Venezuela”, proposes various conceptual assumptions concerning the topic of displacement in architecture according to the doctrine and professional affiliations of the Spanish architects exiled in Venezuela. The fourth chapter, “The return”, deals with the end of these architects’ careers. As a general framework, their itineraries to return, or in many cases, the impossibility of returning, are reviewed. Finally, the sources to the various documents of files and repositories, as well as the bibliographical references consulted for the research, are provided. Three annexes have been attached to this research study. The first annex contains unpublished documents found during the research process; the second includes Bergamín’s drawings, basically from the first decades of the 20th century, such as, caricatures, advertisements and assignments done when he was a university student; and the third annex presents a biographical outline of the architects of the Spanish exile.
Resumo:
La presente tesis doctoral identifica el reciente fenómeno de la emergenciai de corrientes urbanísticas que actúan en la periferia urbana a partir de una concepción del diseño urbano que propugna modelos más compactos, a escala humana, de carácter integral y sostenible, como alternativa al desarrollo disperso y difusoii que caracteriza en gran medida a la ciudad contemporánea. Se develan las diferencias de origen y las coincidencias entre las distintas líneas de pensamiento que definen a estas emergentes corrientes alternativas, situándolas dentro de determinados enfoques planteados en la presente tesis, y demostrando con ello, las progresivas áreas de convergencia que permiten su ordenamiento como fenómeno histórico común. Estas distintas líneas de pensamiento, que derivan en las corrientes urbanísticas alternativas, se manifiestan primeramente como reacción a las operaciones modernistas de la posguerra, pero crecientemente expresan una visión contestataria a la expansión urbana descontrolada iii, de bajas densidades, zonificación excluyente y dependiente del automóvil; modelo asociado a las autopistas urbanas, los llamados nuevos artefactos urbanos y las grandes parcelas destinadas a proyectos habitacionales. Una realidad expresada en variados contextos en el ámbito de la globalización económica y cultural que, en gran medida, se singulariza como responsable de las profundas transformaciones urbanas, de la consecuente gradual pérdida de habitabilidad en las ciudades y del impacto sobre el medio natural; cuestión a tratar en el “Marco conceptual” referido al contexto y problema de la tesis. Se estudian los planteamientos fundamentales que postulan estas corrientes alternativas en el contexto de la expansión urbana horizontal, con el fin de identificar las distintas vertientes o líneas existentes, de establecer sus orígenes, enfoques, vínculos y alcances, permitiendo con ello caracterizar el fenómeno en sí desde una visión original e integradora. Estas corrientes a tratar han surgido en diversos momentos y con diversas particularidades, pero con mayor intensidad, articulación y visibilidad a partir de los años ochenta y especialmente en los noventa del siglo recién pasado, fundamentalmente en Europa y en los Estados Unidos de América, representando el “Cuerpo teórico” de esta tesis. Emergen en un escenario de creciente empoderamiento ciudadano, en tiempos de una mayor conciencia ambiental y social, y desde la convicción extendida de las limitaciones de un desarrollismo que, en términos del territorio físico, se manifiesta en el crecimiento urbano por extensión, incremental y desarticulado; tienen distintos idearios de origen, algunos en aparente contradicción o manifiesta oposición entre sí; se articulan desde diversos énfasis y surgen a partir de distintas aproximaciones. Para poder comprender el fenómeno de manera integral, se identifican y observan las tendencias contemporáneas y las correspondientes corrientes principales del diseño urbano; se indaga en sus discursos críticos y se ordenan en función de tres enfoques, los cuales reúnen los fundamentos esenciales de las distintas miradas críticas al modelo disperso y difuso: el enfoque neotradicional, el enfoque de la movilidad, y el enfoque ecológicoiv. Reconociendo la importancia de las operaciones de renovación urbana en la “ciudad intramuros” y siendo partícipes de estas intervenciones, las diferentes corrientes observadas desde los tres enfoques planteados, tienen un común denominador disciplinar en cuanto a su preocupación por generar actuaciones urbanas viables y practicables que causen un menor impacto sobre el territorio y que ofrezcan las condiciones para mejorar la habitabilidad en la ciudad, asumiendo el crecimiento hacia las periferias desde una aproximación alternativa a los modelos hoy predominantes. Las distintas corrientes, desde los particulares enfoques señalados, pretenden en síntesis, un desarrollo que refuerce el rol del diseño urbano, que promueva modelos más compactosv, de usos mixtos compatibles con la residencia y con espacios públicos de calidad, a una escala apropiada para la movilidad peatonal, favoreciendo de esta manera el uso del transporte público y velando consecuentemente por aquellos aspectos que mejoren las condiciones de sostenibilidad. En definitiva, el ideario de las corrientes caracterizadas en esta tesis como alternativas, se origina y se sostiene a partir de la convicción de situar a la disciplina del diseño urbano en su justa medida en el desarrollo contemporáneo, en el convencimiento de la relevancia del proyecto urbano en el ordenamiento del territorio y el crecimiento de las ciudades actuales. Una convergencia implícita a tratarse en la “Discusión de resultados”. La preocupación que reflejan las distintas corrientes estudiadas por el hábitat construido, en cuanto a su condición de acoger y estimular la dimensión humana de las ciudades, puede resumirse en una cita del arquitecto danés Jan Gehl, que interpreta a muchas de las líneas de pensamiento que se abordan en esta tesis, en cuanto al deseo de crear mejores ciudades: “Aspiramos generar ciudades animadas, saludables, atractivas, sostenibles y seguras, con el propósito de mejorar la calidad de vida de la gente”. ABSTRACT This Ph.D thesis identifies the recent phenomenon of the emergence of alternative urban design currents in the city edge, that focus on a more compact, human-scale oriented, comprehensive and sustainable urban design as an alternative to the overwhelming advance of sprawl that largely characterizes the contemporary city. It singles out the differences in origin, as well as the similarities drawn from the different lines of thought that define these emergent alternative currents, placing them within certain approaches proposed in this thesis, and thereby demonstrating the progressive areas of convergence that allow to arrange them as a common historical phenomenon. Indeed, the different lines of thought that drift towards these alternative urbanistic currents, first appear as a reaction to the post- World War II Modernist housing projects, and increasingly more so as a response to urban sprawl; an ever expanding phenomemnon expressed in different contexts within the economic and cultural globalization, largely singled out as being responsible for the deep urban transformations, the consequent gradual loss of livability and the impact on natural environment, setting the “Conceptual framework” of this thesis. Within the context of urban sprawl, the fundamental principles of these alternative currents are studied to establish their origins, approaches, linkages and scope, in order to zero in on the various aspects or existing lines and thereby allowing the identification of the phenomenon from an original and inclusive vision. The alternative currents to be dealt with, emerged at different times and with diverse characteristics, nonetheless it is in the eighties and especially during the nineties, mainly in Europe and the United States, where they appear with greater intensity, coordination and visibility, representing the “Theoretical body” of this thesis. The above mentioned currents arise in a scenario of increasing citizen empowerment in times of growing environmental and social awareness, along with the widespread conviction of the limitations of a quantitative development expressed as a physical manifestation in urban sprawl. These alternative currents have a different philosophy in origin, some are in apparent contradiction or in definite opposition, being organized from different approaches and emphases. To comprehend this phenomenon, it is necessary to identify and analize the contemporary trends and the main currents of urban design, inquiring and arranging their critical discourses according to three approaches that meet the essential foundations of the various critical perspectives of urban sprawl: the neo-traditional approach, the mobility approach, the ecological approach. Acknowledging the importance of urban renovation in the “Inner City”, and being partakers of these interventions, the different currents identified from these three approaches, concur in their concern for the development of viable and workable alternatives to urban sprawl; models that cause a lower impact on the territory, whilst improving livability in the city. The different currents recognized within the above mentioned approaches, advocate in brief, for a development that strengthens the role of urban design, that encourages more compact models, mixed-uses, and quality public spaces, considering the human scale and walkability; thereby increasing public transport and promoting consequently, the conditions for sustainable development. Ultimately, the philosophy of the so called alternative currents, is based on the belief of placing urban design as a fundamental discipline in contemporary urban development. The concern for the built habitat reflected by the various currents studied, as of their condition to accept and stimulate the human dimension of the city, can be summed up in a quote from Danish architect Jan Gehl, who represents many of the lines of thought addressed, in the belief of creating better cities: “We aspire to create cities that are lively, healthy, attractive, sustainable and safe-and thereby improve people’s quality of life”.
