917 resultados para Mobbing, Bullying, Militaries, Soldiers,


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A palavra depressão é cada vez mais conhecida por todas as pessoas. Inicialmente, era atribuída apenas a adultos, era impensável uma criança padecer de depressão. Mas já se concluiu que também os recém nascidos, crianças e adolescentes podem ter depressão. Pode ser atenuada logo nos primeiros cuidados que a mãe tem durante a gestação. Após o nascimento e durante o crescimento os pais, a escola e a comunidade têm a obrigação de a proteger, acarinhar e compreender, ao mesmo tempo que a ensina a valorizar, ultrapassar obstáculos, respeitar, sentir, ser cidadã para estar preparada para a vida. Seria simples se todas auferissem destes princípios, mas há as que são maltratadas, desprezadas, abandonadas, humilhadas pela família, sem cuidados médicos. Outras têm problemas de aprendizagem, excluídas, gozadas e outras sofrem de doenças físicas. Cada uma delas tem probabilidades de ter depressão, doença silenciosa que pode levar ao suicídio. Outro motivo que leva à depressão é o bullying escolar, frio e cruel. Também a sociedade exige aos jovens o ideal, ser magro, alto, bonito e vestido com marcas conhecidas que tem o seu grupo de iguais. Outros excluídos por estes, na tentativa de os igualar, começam a sofrer de depressão, anorexia e bulimia.

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A presente pesquisa tem por finalidade investigar com os participantes do Projeto “Escola que Protege” quais as violências mais comuns registradas nas escolas e o impacto deste nas atividades desenvolvidas nas escolas no combate à violência. A violência contra a criança e o adolescente representa, atualmente, um grave problema de saúde pública no mundo e a escola é o ambiente frequentado diariamente pelas crianças, por isso torna-se um local de extrema e fundamental importância para o seu crescimento e desenvolvimento, interferindo diretamente em sua postura e comportamento futuros. Optamos por uma pesquisa qualitativa, que por meio das entrevistas pudéssemos verificar o entendimento dos sujeitos desta investigação sobre a violência escolar e a repercussão do Projeto “Escola que Protege” no município. E, ao analisá-las, concluiu-se que as violências mais comuns existentes nos municípios pesquisados não são diferentes das encontradas nas outras regiões do país, onde existe o trabalho infantil, casos de violência doméstica, bullying, além do abuso sexual, que também acomete as crianças destes municípios. Detectamos por fim que o Projeto Escola que Protege, conseguiu alcançar resultados positivos em todos os municípios pesquisados, levando informações importantes aos educadores, capacitando-os para a resolução ou o encaminhamento dos casos de violência infantil detectadas no âmbito escolar.

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Este trabalho teve por base a promoção da saúde em escolares dos 15 aos 19 anos e estudar as possíveis estratégias a aplicar para se atingir este fim. Dentro deste tema analisaram-se os níveis de alcoolismo, tabagismo e drogas tanto a nível nacional como internacional com o fim de perceber a dimensão destes riscos assim como elaborar possíveis programas para diminuir os consumos destas substâncias. Os principais problemas na adolescência são as dependências tais como o alcoolismo, tabagismo e drogas que levam muitas vezes também a acidentes rodoviários. Existem também muitos problemas de saúde associados à imagem física tais como a obesidade, a anorexia e a acne. Além destes problemas, há também alguma falta de educação sexual de maneira a prevenir as doenças sexualmente transmissíveis e as gravidezes indesejáveis, assim como, mais recentemente, o bulling e cyberbulling. Dentro destes possíveis problemas que podem ocorrer na adolescência, aprofundou-se neste trabalho as dependências do álcool, tabaco e drogas por parte dos adolescentes dos 15 aos 19 anos. Dentro deste tema analisaram-se as razões do aparecimento destes problemas nos adolescentes, porque começam o consumo destas substâncias, quais as suas motivações e quais as estratégias a adotar para prevenir este tipo de consumos e posteriores consequências físicas e mentais no futuro.

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Reseña dos novelas publicadas en la década de 1980, que se ambientan en los años en que la dictadura uruguaya invade Minas, una pequeña ciudad de provincias. La balada de Johnny Sosa es la historia de la pérdida de la inocencia del negro Johnny, es también una “parábola sobre la dignidad humana, dando voz a quienes no la tienen, a los desheredados. A quienes, con militares o sin ellos siempre han estado en el fondo de la bolsa”. La misma ciudad de Minas es también el escenario de Las ventanas del silencio, novela en la que hablan diferentes voces, se narra cómo los soldados realizan allanamientos, encarcelan, torturan y matan, imponen el reparto de castigos y de favores. Aquí, en esta ciudad pequeña, en la que la frase “En Uruguay todos se conocen” resulta más evidente, el efecto de la dictadura y de las delaciones que ella propiciaba fue devastador. Ambas novelas narran, en definitiva, lo que ha ocurrido en este país “cuando los militares profanaron la ciudad”.

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Different systems, different purposes – but how do they compare as learning environments? We undertook a survey of students at the University, asking whether they learned from their use of the systems, whether they made contact with other students through them, and how often they used them. Although it was a small scale survey, the results are quite enlightening and quite surprising. Blackboard is populated with learning material, has all the students on a module signed up to it, a safe environment (in terms of Acceptable Use and some degree of staff monitoring) and provides privacy within the learning group (plus lecturer and relevant support staff). Facebook, on the other hand, has no learning material, only some of the students using the system, and on the face of it, it has the opportunity for slips in privacy and potential bullying because the Acceptable Use policy is more lax than an institutional one, and breaches must be dealt with on an exception basis, when reported. So why do more students find people on their courses through Facebook than Blackboard? And why are up to 50% of students reporting that they have learned from using Facebook? Interviews indicate that students in subjects which use seminars are using Facebook to facilitate working groups – they can set up private groups which give them privacy to discuss ideas in an environment which perceived as safer than Blackboard can provide. No staff interference, unless they choose to invite them in, and the opportunity to select who in the class can engage. The other striking finding is the difference in use between the genders. Males are using blackboard more frequently than females, whilst the reverse is true for Facebook. Interviews suggest that this may have something to do with needing to access lecture notes… Overall, though, it appears that there is little relationship between the time spent engaging with Blackboard and reports that students have learned from it. Because Blackboard is our central repository for notes, any contact is likely to result in some learning. Facebook, however, shows a clear relationship between frequency of use and perception of learning – and our students post frequently to Facebook. Whilst much of this is probably trivia and social chit chat, the educational elements of it are, de facto, contructivist in nature. Further questions need to be answered - Is the reason the students learn from Facebook because they are creating content which others will see and comment on? Is it because they can engage in a dialogue, without the risk of interruption by others?

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Major General Orde Wingate (1903–44) was the most controversial British military commander of the Second World War, due to his idiosynchratic leadership style, which led some to question his sanity, and his fiercely pro-Zionist stance. More than sixty years after his death he still splits opinion amongst soldiers, academics and writers.

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This article analyses the counter-terrorist operations carried out by Captain (later Major General) Orde Wingate in Palestine in 1938, and considers whether these might inform current operations. Wingate's Special Night Squads were formed from British soldiers and Jewish police specifically to counter terrorist and sabotage attacks. Their approach escalated from interdicting terrorist gangs to pre-emptive attacks on suspected terrorist sanctuaries to reprisal attacks after terrorist atrocities. They continued the British practice of using irregular units in counter-insurgency, which was sustained into the postwar era and contributed to the evolution of British Special Forces. Wingate's methods proved effective in pacifying terrorist-infested areas and could be applied again, but only in the face of 'friction' arising from changes in cultural attitudes since the 1930s, and from the political-strategic context of post-2001 counter-insurgent and counter-terrorist operations. In some cases, however, public opinion might not preclude the use of some of Wingate's techniques.

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School absenteeism and particularly unauthorized absenteeism or truancy has been the focus of a number of, so far largely unsuccessful, recent policy initiatives. The paper draws upon two sources of data, the British Household Panel Survey and detailed interviews with a group of persistent truants, to consider the extent, consequences and explanations for truancy from secondary schools. Truancy increases steadily across the years of secondary school and, especially in the later years of compulsory schooling there is evidence that patterns of truancy established in one year carry on into the next. Truancy is strongly associated with negative outcomes in terms of not staying in education post-16, GCSE results and becoming unemployed. Coming from families of low socio-economic status, parents not monitoring homework, negative attitudes towards teachers and the value of education are all associated with higher levels of truancy. However, the majority of young people in these situations do not truant and there are many truants who do not have these characteristics. A major explanation given by young people themselves for their non-attendance is poor relationships with teachers, including teachers failing to match their expectations. Other factors mentioned by young people include bullying but also a more general dislike of the atmosphere of the school, sometimes associated with a change of school. There was little evidence of negative responses to the curriculum leading to truancy. It is suggested that we can distinguish between socio-economic and attitudinal factors which make young people vulnerable to truancy and precipitating events or processes which result in truanting behaviour.

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At the heart of the ‘special relationship’ ideology, there is supposed to be a grand bargain. In exchange for paying the ‘blood price’ as America's ally, Britain will be rewarded with exceptional influence over American foreign policy and its strategic behaviour. Soldiers and statesman continue to articulate this idea. Since 9/11, the notion of Britain playing ‘Greece’ to America's ‘Rome’ gained new life thanks to Anglophiles on both sides of the Atlantic. One potent version of this ideology was that the more seasoned British would teach Americans how to fight ‘small wars’ in Iraq and Afghanistan, thereby bolstering their role as tutor to the superpower. Britain does derive benefits from the Anglo-American alliance and has made momentous contributions to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Yet British solidarity and sacrifices have not purchased special influence in Washington. This is partly due to Atlanticist ideology, which sets Britain unrealistic standards by which it is judged, and partly because the notion of ‘special influence’ is misleading as it loses sight of the complexities of American policy-making. The overall result of expeditionary wars has been to strain British credibility in American eyes and to display its lack of consistent influence both over high policy and the design and execution of US military campaigns. While there may be good arguments in favour of the UK continuing its efforts in Afghanistan, the notion that the war fortifies Britain's vicarious world status is a dangerous illusion that leads to repeated overstretch and disappointment. Now that Britain is in the foothills of a strategic defence review, it is important that the British abandon this false consciousness.

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Classical counterinsurgency theory – written before the 19th century – has generally strongly opposed atrocities, as have theoreticians writing on how to conduct insurgencies. For a variety of reasons – ranging from pragmatic to religious or humanitarian – theoreticians of both groups have particularly argued for the lenient treatment of civilians associated with the enemy camp, although there is a marked pattern of exceptions, for example, where heretics or populations of cities refusing to surrender to besieging armies are concerned. And yet atrocities – defined here as acts of violence against the unarmed (non-combatants, or wounded or imprisoned enemy soldiers), or needlessly painful and/or humiliating treatment of enemy combatants, beyond any action needed to incapacitate or disarm them – occur frequently in small wars. Examples abound where these exhortations have been ignored, both by forces engaged in an insurgency and by forces trying to put down a rebellion. Why have so many atrocities been committed in war if so many arguments have been put forward against them? This is the basic puzzle for which the individual contributions to this special issue are seeking to find tentative answers, drawing on case studies.

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The article offers a close reading of Konrad Wolf’s anti-fascist Second World War film 'Mama, ich lebe' (DEFA, 1977). 'Mama, ich lebe', like all East German films about the Nazi past, deals with the re-founding of post-war Germany. Unlike the usual approach which focused on political redemption of the past crimes, Wolf’s approach explores rupture and failure of political agency as the pre-condition for a new beginning. The rupture is effected by the defection of four Wehrmacht soldiers who decide to cooperate with the Soviet enemy. Their betrayal of the national collective is ethically motivated and arises from their responsibility for the Soviet ‘other’. Its radicalness opens up a moment of utopian freedom and conciliation for the traitors. Yet the back side of betrayal is insecurity and confliction with regard to their role and roots. While the four meet their role as traitors with self-deception about their ambivalent position, they are eventually forced to acknowledge their position as one of self-defeat. Their ‘ethical betrayal’ (Parikh 2009) does therefore not lead to utopian fulfilment but to the traitors’ expiatory sacrifice as the only form of accountability and self-justification. In Wolf’s film antifascism as a tale of political redemption is thus revised and becomes a tale of necessary individual atonement.

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This chapter aims to discuss the relationship between femininity and representations of women involved in violence, focussing on visual representations. Miranda Alison has made the point that the repeated necessity to qualify the term 'combatant' with the descriptor 'female' draws attention to how women soldiers, female freedom fighters, female suicide bombers and female terrorists are exceptional figures. That the female combatant or the female terrorist is an aberration or a deviation from a masculine norm is undermined by the lengthy history of women as warriors, fighters, and terrorists. In that sense it is not so much that fighting women are rare but that there is amnesia within cultural memories concerning the woman fighter. However, in representations of conflict, the dominant image associated with femininity is passive; that is as the defenceless and the defended, or as the allegory of peace. Moreover, representations of men in wars as defeated or wounded means feminising such figures. Miriam Cooke, in her Women and the War Story, 1996, points out how a mythic war story provides men with political roles, in the politikon or public arena, whereas women are domesticated in the space of the oikon. In the mythic war story women may function as Mater Dolorosa, Patriotic Mother or Spartan Mother. It follows then that there are conditions in which it is permissible to represent women fighting on behalf of their children or in defence of the home, and in the absence of men. These images are also found in wider culture: Sarah Connor in Terminator or Ripley in Alien, for example. Images of the female terrorist raise new issues but I want to argue that it is also the case that discussing femininity and the terrorist must involve relating such imagery to representations of the female warrior over a longer timespan. Some questions have shifted since the late twentieth century. Dating from the early 1990s, most Western nations increasingly incorporated women into combat roles within their armed forces. This paper will aim to unpick some of the intricate connections between the increasing presence of women in the armed forces, what relationship this has to emancipation and the participation of women in violence classed as terrorist.

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Why are some states more willing to adopt military innovations than others? Why, for example, were the great powers of Europe able to successfully reform their military practices to better adapt to and participate in the so-called military revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries while their most important extra-European competitor, the Ottoman Empire, failed to do so? This puzzle is best explained by two factors: civil-military relations and historical timing. In the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of an institutionally strong and internally cohesive army during the early stages of state formation—in the late fourteenth century—equipped the military with substantial bargaining powers. In contrast, the great powers of Europe drew heavily on private providers of military power during the military revolution and developed similar armies only by the second half of the seventeenth century, limiting the bargaining leverage of European militaries over their rulers. In essence, the Ottoman standing army was able to block reform efforts that it believed challenged its parochial interests. Absent a similar institutional challenge, European rulers initiated military reforms and motivated officers and military entrepreneurs to participate in the ongoing military revolution.

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We report three eye-movement experiments and an antecedent choice task investigating the interpretation of reflexives in different syntactic contexts. This included contexts in which the reflexive and a local antecedent were coarguments of the same verbal predicate (John heard that the soldier had injured himself), and also so-called picture noun phrases, either with a possessor (John heard about the soldier’s picture of himself) or without (John heard that the soldier had a picture of himself). While results from the antecedent choice task indicated that comprehenders would choose a nonlocal antecedent (‘John’ above) for reflexives in either type of picture noun phrase, the eye-movement experiments suggested that participants preferred to initially interpret the reflexive in each context as referring to the local antecedent (‘the soldier’), as indexed by longer reading times when it mismatched in gender with the reflexive. We also observed a difference in the time-course of this effect. While it was observed during first-pass processing at the reflexive for coargument reflexives and those in picture noun phrases with a possessor, it was comparatively delayed for reflexives in possessorless picture noun phrases. These results suggest that locality constraints are more strongly weighted cues to retrieval than gender agreement for both coargument reflexives and those inside picture noun phrases. We interpret the observed time-course differences as indexing the relative ease of accessing the local antecedent in different syntactic contexts.

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The article looks at the figure of the traitor in 1950s’ West German films about World War II. It focuses on the representation of Wehrmacht soldiers who entertain relations with the Soviet enemy and are therefore seen to betray their nation. The discussion of three well-known films – 08/15, Der Arzt von Stalingrad, and Unruhige Nacht – shows these ‘traitors’ to have a highly ambivalent function: their narrative punishment is part of German post-war exculpation, yet they are also reminders of German guilt and ethical responsibility towards the ‘other’.