Reforms in Moldova: Moderate progress and an uncertain outlook for the future. OSW Commentary No. 100, 2013-01-22

After coming to power in September 2009, the Alliance for European Integration (AIE)1 coalition began implementing a wide-ranging programme of reforms, with a view to bringing Moldova closer to the European Union, and ultimately to ensure the country’s full membership of the EU. Today, Moldova is considered a clear leader in European integration among the members of the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme. This, however, has less to do with the concrete reforms introduced by the Moldovan government, and more to do with, on the one hand, Chișinău’s excellent public relations with Brussels, achieved through effective diplomacy; and on the other hand, the growing disillusionment with the lack of progress in other Eastern Partnership countries, particularly in Ukraine. Attempts to evaluate Moldova’s reforms have proven rather problematic. On the one hand, the ruling coalition has managed to make significant progress in the areas of civil liberties, human rights and electoral reform. The government has also successfully implemented regulations which have brought Moldova closer to signing a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with the EU, and it has made headway in talks on visa liberalisation with Brussels. On the other hand, Chișinău has still not carried out the structural and economic reforms without which real change in the country will be impossible. No reforms have been introduced in the Ministry of the Interior, the Moldovan police force, or the judiciary. The AIE has also failed to decentralise governance and has had no real success in reducing corruption; its attempts to rebuild the country’s financial institutions have proved equally unsuccessful. The main reasons for this poor performance include mutual mistrust and conflicting interests among the coalition members, a shortage of financial resources, strong resistance to change by public administration staff, and significant pressure from those political and business groups whose interests could suffer as a result of the proposed reforms. It should also be noted that since the AIE took power, the international context of the reform efforts has undergone significant changes. On the one hand, the EU has been facing an economic crisis, which has had a negative impact on Moldovan exports and contributed to the worsening of the economic situation in the country; and on the other hand, Moldova has been offered membership of the Customs Union as a viable alternative to EU membership.

2002 Parliamentary elections in Ukraine: Events, results and consequences; Ukraine's Parliamentary system after the elections. OSW Study 8/2003

2002 elections: On 31 March 2002, parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine. As expected, they were a major success for the centrist-rightist coalition focused around former Prime Minister Viktor Yuschenko. The communists emerged significantly weaker from the vote, and the "party of power" achieved a poor result. Yet, due to the mixed electoral law (half of the deputies were elected in single-mandate districts), the latter block, firmly supported by President Leonid Kuchma, resulted as the main force in Parliament. The results of particular parties and blocks were as follows: Viktor Yuschenko's Block received 23.57% of votes and 112 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine - 19.98% of votes and 66 seats, the "For One Ukraine" block - 11.77% of votes and 101 seats, Yulia Tymoshenko's Block - 7.26% of votes and 22 seats, the Socialist Party of Ukraine - 6.87% of votes and 22 seats, and the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) - 6.27% of votes and 24 seats. This shows how the mixed electoral regulations favour "For One Ukraine" and act against Yuschenko's block. One should note, however, that the latter gained the support of less than one quarter of voters. After the election: The dominant force in Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada, elected in March 2002, are the deputies of "One Ukraine", a fraction of the pro-presidential centre. "One Ukraine" has refused to admit any of the opposition's representatives (either from the right or left wings) into the parliament's presidium, but has accepted opposition-appointed heads of many parliamentary commissions. Viktor Yuschenko's "Our Ukraine", which has been the largest parliamentary fraction since June, attempted to proclaim itself the centre of the parliamentary majority, but its policy was awkward and inconsistent, and the main success of this club was that it didn't break up. Viktor Yuschenko's moves have been particularly incoherent and they undermined the image of Yuschenko as Ukraine's future leader, created throughout the course of the electoral campaign. In autumn, the main oligarchic groups and their representative fractions ("One Ukraine", which proved to be a useless instrument, was dissolved in June), reached a compromise with the president. It was agreed that the new prime minister should be a Donetsk clan representative (Viktor Yanukovych), and that the Dnipropetrovsk clan should appoint the president of the National Bank of Ukraine (this position went to Serhij Tihipko). The Kyiv clan obtained the President's Administration (Viktor Medvedchuk was appointed in spring) and a considerable number of parliamentary commissions. The president's interests in the government are to be protected by Mykola Azarov, former Head of the State Tax Administration. This compromise "package" was designed to secure the shares of the main oligarchic clans in the power and the president's strong position as mediator.

Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007

Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

Putin: The morally depraved degradation of a strong state leader. CEPS Commentary, 31 March 2015

In a new CEPS Commentary, Michael Emerson calls for an end to diplomatic euphemisms in describing Putin’s tragic degradation of Russia, its political regime and society. The assassination of Boris Nemtsov on February 27th signals one more step down this dreadful path.

Xi's Real Test: Delivering on Reform and Maintaining Stability in 2014. Asia Policy Brief 2014/02, February 2014

Emerging signs of economic difficulties have greatly compounded the tasks facing new Chinese leader Xi Jinping in the year of horse. After his government rolled out a surprisingly ambitious blueprint for systemic economic reform in November last year, Xi, the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), now finds his agenda complicated by the urgent need to stabilize the overleveraged financial sector while taking the first steps to implement enough of his promised reforms to gain credibility.

List of size fractionated eukaryotic plankton community samples and associated metadata (Database W1)

The present data set provides an Excel file in a zip archive. The file lists 334 samples of size fractionated eukaryotic plankton community with a suite of associated metadata (Database W1). Note that if most samples represented the piconano- (0.8-5 µm, 73 samples), nano- (5-20 µm, 74 samples), micro- (20-180 µm, 70 samples), and meso- (180-2000 µm, 76 samples) planktonic size fractions, some represented different organismal size-fractions: 0.2-3 µm (1 sample), 0.8-20 µm (6 samples), 0.8 µm - infinity (33 samples), and 3-20 µm (1 sample). The table contains the following fields: a unique sample sequence identifier; the sampling station identifier; the Tara Oceans sample identifier (TARA_xxxxxxxxxx); an INDSC accession number allowing to retrieve raw sequence data for the major nucleotide databases (short read archives at EBI, NCBI or DDBJ); the depth of sampling (Subsurface - SUR or Deep Chlorophyll Maximum - DCM); the targeted size range; the sequences template (either DNA or WGA/DNA if DNA extracted from the filters was Whole Genome Amplified); the latitude of the sampling event (decimal degrees); the longitude of the sampling event (decimal degrees); the time and date of the sampling event; the device used to collect the sample; the logsheet event corresponding to the sampling event ; the volume of water sampled (liters). Then follows information on the cleaning bioinformatics pipeline shown on Figure W2 of the supplementary litterature publication: the number of merged pairs present in the raw sequence file; the number of those sequences matching both primers; the number of sequences after quality-check filtering; the number of sequences after chimera removal; and finally the number of sequences after selecting only barcodes present in at least three copies in total and in at least two samples. Finally, are given for each sequence sample: the number of distinct sequences (metabarcodes); the number of OTUs; the average number of barcode per OTU; the Shannon diversity index based on barcodes for each sample (URL of W4 dataset in PANGAEA); and the Shannon diversity index based on each OTU (URL of W5 dataset in PANGAEA).

Navigation and meteorological data during campaign TARA_20090926Z of the Tara Oceans expedition 2009-2013

The Tara Oceans Expedition (2009-2013) sampled the world oceans on board a 36 m long schooner, collecting environmental data and organisms from viruses to planktonic metazoans for later analyses using modern sequencing and state-of-the-art imaging technologies. Tara Oceans Data are particularly suited to study the genetic, morphological and functional diversity of plankton. The present dataset contains navigation and meteorological data measured during one campaign of the Tara Oceans Expedition. Latitude and Longitude were obtained from TSG data.

Vertical profiles of environmental parameters measured from physical, optical and imaging sensors during Tara Oceans expedition 2009-2013

The present data publication provides permanent links to original and updated versions of validated data files. The data files include properties of seawater, particulate matter and dissolved matter from physical, optical and imaging sensors mounted on a vertical sampling system (Rosette) used during the 2009-2013 tara Oceans Expedition. It comprised 2 pairs of conductivity and temperature sensors (SEABIRD components), and a complete set of WEtLabs optical sensors, including chrorophyll and CDOM fluorometers, a 25 cm transmissiometer, and a one-wavelength backscatter meter. In addition, a SATLANTIC ISUS nitrate sensor and a Hydroptic Underwater Vision Profiler (UVP) were mounted on the rosette. In the Arctic Ocean and Arctic Seas (2013), a second oxygen sensor (SBE43) and a four frequency Aquascat acoustic profiler were added. The system was powered on specific Li-Ion batteries and data were self-recorded at 24HZ. Sensors have all been factory calibrated before, during and after the four year program. Oxygen was validated using climatologies (WOA09). Nitrate and Fluorescence data were adjusted with discrete measurements from Niskin bottles mounted on the Rosette, and optical darks were performed monthly on board. A total of 839 quality checked vertical profiles were made during the tara Oceans expedition 2009-2013.

Navigation and meteorological data during campaign TARA_20091019Z of the Tara Oceans expedition 2009-2013

The Tara Oceans Expedition (2009-2013) sampled the world oceans on board a 36 m long schooner, collecting environmental data and organisms from viruses to planktonic metazoans for later analyses using modern sequencing and state-of-the-art imaging technologies. Tara Oceans Data are particularly suited to study the genetic, morphological and functional diversity of plankton. The present dataset contains navigation and meteorological data measured during one campaign of the Tara Oceans Expedition. Latitude and Longitude were obtained from TSG data.

Sir Boss /

Mode of access: Internet.

The peerless leader, William Jennings Bryan,

"The first twenty-one chapters ... were completed by Paxton Hibben before his untimely death. The book as it stands was completed by C. Hartley Gratten."--p. [v]

A leader of the garment workers : the biography of Isidore Nagler /

Includes index.

Meet Mr. Blank, the leader of tomorrow's Germans,

Mode of access: Internet.

Nomination of Benjamin L. Erdreich : hearing before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, on nomination of Benjamin L. Erdreich, to be member and chairman, U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, June 23, 1993.

Shipping list no.: 95-0043-P.

The glacial boundary in Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky /

At head of title: Published by Western Reserve historical society, Cleveland, O.