861 resultados para Impression
Resumo:
O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar como ocorre a formação dos profissionais da Educação Física que atuam nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental. Primeiro foi desenvolvido um estudo da legislação e das diretrizes de formação em Educação Física e em Pedagogia, buscando responder à questão: quem deve ministrar aulas de Educação Física nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental? A seguir foi realizada uma análise de currículos de dois cursos de graduação em Educação Física, bem como foram feitas entrevistas com quatro profissionais do Ensino Fundamental que atuam no segmento em questão e estudaram nas mesmas universidades e/ou faculdades dos cursos analisados. Aplicou-se também um questionário para cinco profissionais, denominados polivalentes , que trabalham em escolas de uma Rede Municipal de Ensino e que têm a responsabilidade de desenvolver as aulas de Educação Física. Como referencial teórico sobre a formação dos profissionais na área, foram utilizadas as reflexões de SOARES (1992), ISAYAMA (2003), FREIRE (2005), MOREIRA (2001), entre outros. Os dados da análise apontam para a necessidade de um novo olhar para a grade curricular, bem como para os conteúdos das graduações em Educação Física, que, mesmo oferecendo formação em bacharelado e licenciatura, não contemplam de forma suficiente uma formação adequada para a atuação nas séries iniciais de Ensino Fundamental, em que a faixa etária dos alunos é de 6 a 10 anos. Os profissionais entrevistados expressam que, de fato, faltaram subsídios para uma prática mais pertinente, bem como uma teoria que tenha sua relevância aceita, considerando-se o cotidiano escolar e as condições para o desenvolvimento do trabalho. A importância da Educação Física na infância é inegável, porém as possibilidades de desenvolvimentos mais amplos ficam, entre outras, sujeitas às questões basicamente econômicas, causando-nos a impressão de que a formação generalista nos cursos de graduação visa redução de custos na mesma medida, as políticas públicas de alguns municípios seguem o mesmo princípio.(AU)
Resumo:
O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar como ocorre a formação dos profissionais da Educação Física que atuam nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental. Primeiro foi desenvolvido um estudo da legislação e das diretrizes de formação em Educação Física e em Pedagogia, buscando responder à questão: quem deve ministrar aulas de Educação Física nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental? A seguir foi realizada uma análise de currículos de dois cursos de graduação em Educação Física, bem como foram feitas entrevistas com quatro profissionais do Ensino Fundamental que atuam no segmento em questão e estudaram nas mesmas universidades e/ou faculdades dos cursos analisados. Aplicou-se também um questionário para cinco profissionais, denominados polivalentes , que trabalham em escolas de uma Rede Municipal de Ensino e que têm a responsabilidade de desenvolver as aulas de Educação Física. Como referencial teórico sobre a formação dos profissionais na área, foram utilizadas as reflexões de SOARES (1992), ISAYAMA (2003), FREIRE (2005), MOREIRA (2001), entre outros. Os dados da análise apontam para a necessidade de um novo olhar para a grade curricular, bem como para os conteúdos das graduações em Educação Física, que, mesmo oferecendo formação em bacharelado e licenciatura, não contemplam de forma suficiente uma formação adequada para a atuação nas séries iniciais de Ensino Fundamental, em que a faixa etária dos alunos é de 6 a 10 anos. Os profissionais entrevistados expressam que, de fato, faltaram subsídios para uma prática mais pertinente, bem como uma teoria que tenha sua relevância aceita, considerando-se o cotidiano escolar e as condições para o desenvolvimento do trabalho. A importância da Educação Física na infância é inegável, porém as possibilidades de desenvolvimentos mais amplos ficam, entre outras, sujeitas às questões basicamente econômicas, causando-nos a impressão de que a formação generalista nos cursos de graduação visa redução de custos na mesma medida, as políticas públicas de alguns municípios seguem o mesmo princípio.(AU)
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Os cães, por fatores diversos, acabam por apresentar dentes fraturados com ou sem exposição de polpa. Estas fraturas basicamente são identificadas como fraturas recuperáveis não complicadas, recuperáveis complicadas ou irrecuperáveis. As fraturas recuperáveis (localizadas apenas no esmalte e dentina) são tratadas com dentística restauradora. As recuperáveis complicadas (com lesões em esmalte, dentina e exposição do canal radicular) passam por tratamento endodôntico, podendo ser seguidas de restaurações metálicas. Os dentes mais comumente acometidos são os dentes caninos, superiores ou inferiores. Este trabalho em dentes artificiais simulando considerável destruição de sua porção coronal objetivou testar, após a adaptação da restauração metálica fundida, a resistência às fraturas no dente canino. Os dentes artificiais foram padronizados com uma técnica de replicação de raízes artificiais em molde de resina acrílica quimicamente ativada. Oitenta réplicas iguais de resina composta fotopolimerizável, padronizadas em tamanho e forma, foram construídas a partir desta técnica. Antes da reconstrução protética, aplicou-se o tratamento endodôntico, desobturação, preparo do canal radicular e moldagem. Proteticamente, um pino intrarradicular reto e outro curvo, ambos com núcleo para sustentar a coroa metálica fundida foram cimentados na porção coronal de cada raiz-réplica. Os núcleos e coroa metálica foram ambos ferulados ou estojados. Avaliou-se os dois tipos de restauração com pino intrarradicular curvos ou retos cimentados com cimento de fosfato de zinco ou resinoso para identificar o melhor conjunto restaurador. Os testes de resistência biomecânica de 80 raízes-réplicas foram divididos em 4 grupos com 20 corpos de prova para cada um dos grupos. Grupo 1: das raízes-réplicas com pino intrarradicular curvo cimentados com cimento resinoso. Grupo 2: das raízes-réplicas com pino intrarradicular curvo cimentados com cimento de fosfato de zinco. Grupo 3: das raízes-réplicas com pino intrarradicular reto cimentados com cimento resinoso. Grupo 4: das raízes-réplicas com pino intrarradicular reto cimentados com cimento de fosfato de zinco. Estes grupos foram submetidos a teste de força com pré-carga de 1,5 N, com velocidade de avanço constante de 0,05 mm por minuto em ponto pré- determinado (mésio-lateral vestibularizada) até ocorrência de fratura do conjunto ou parte dele em uma Máquina Universal Kratos. Com a avaliação biomecânica e estudo estatístico de Kruskall-Wallis, identificou-se que os dados obtidos não seguiram distribuição normal. Esta diferença mostrou-se com o p<0,05 na interpretação do teste. No caso de dados não paramétricos o post-hoc do Kruskal-Wallis foi o teste de U de Mann-Withney. Paralelamente, um estudo com análise de elementos finitos comparou os resultados obtidos. Não houve diferença significativa sobre o tipo de cimento utilizado ou que favorecesse o uso do pino reto ou do pino curvo, recaindo a escolha para o operador decidir de acordo com a melhor indicação para cada caso clínico
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Uzbekistan has a long and interesting heritage of ancient civilization linked to the historic “Silk Road”, through which transited people, goods, ideas and cultures. The major cities of the Silk Road - Samarkand, Bukhara, and Khiva are testimonies of the past and leave a deep impression on any visitor. As time goes by, Uzbekistan has become a key country in the whole Central Asian region, because it possesses mineral, agricultural and natural resources and has a huge potential for development. It is rich in energy resources such as oil and gas, but it is very difficult to commercialize them due to its landlocked position. The historical legacy of the Republic of Uzbekistan is a valuable heritage. The above mentioned ancient cities used to be centers of science and art, where important architects created palaces, mosques, madrassas, minarets, and mausoleums of the Islamic style, that still exist today. This cultural wealth is an element of internal cohesion and external outreach towards Islamic heritage, related to such Muslim countries as Turkey and the Gulf States. Moreover, this historical and architectural heritage has enormous economic potential for tourism, which can contribute to strengthen the relations of cooperation and friendship between Uzbekistan and the International Society. The influence of tradition and culture has still a huge impact on the society. This can be felt for example, in the traditional gender roles distribution. As a result of which, meńs presence in the areas of decision making is still slightly higher than womeńs one...
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he dragon tree, a peculiar species native to Socotra, southwest Arabia, east Africa, Morocco, Macaronesia, and the Canary islands, possesses an intriguing iconographic history. The first wave of images date from 1470 to 1550, beginning with Martin Schongauer’s 1470 engraving of The Flight into Egypt. These depictions portray the dragon tree in the context of a handful of biblical themes and with apparent symbolic import. After 1550, religious images of the dragon tree vanish abruptly and are replaced by representations of an empirical nature. Dragon tree iconography is notable for the extent to which it did and did not leave an impression on European art. In this paper I examine the inability of dragon tree images to gain the momentum required to propel them into European iconography more permanently, and the forces that may account for the abrupt change from biblical to botanical renderings.
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The severity of the environmental situation in agriculture is described. Progress made so far is then listed and critiqued. Misconceptions that sustainable agriculture cannot produce as much food as industrial agriculture, as well as the false impression that sustainably-produced foods must cost more are discussed. In conclusion, the only force strong enough to convince farmers to switch to sustainable practices is the consumer. Advertisements and educational campaigns will inform consumers about industrial agriculture. The shift in demand for sustainable goods will eventually cause prices to fall, allowing more consumers to purchase these formally expensive goods. This process will make a sustainable agricultural revolution possible and profitable.
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Dopamine (DA) can be detected by electrochemical oxidation in conventional electrodes. However, the presence of other oxidizable species (interferents) usually present in physiological fluids at high concentrations (like ascorbic acid) makes very difficult its electrochemical detection. In the present work, glassy carbon electrodes have been modified with molecularly imprinted silica (MIS) films prepared by electroassisted deposition of sol–gel precursors. The production of MIS films was performed by adding the template molecule (DA) to the precursor sol. The molecular impression of silica was assessed showing a high coherency allowing a filtering capacity in the molecular scale. The MIS-modified electrodes present a high selectivity for the detection of DA in neutral or acidic solutions. The MIS-modified electrodes allow the amperometric determination of dopamine in solutions containing ascorbic acid with molar ratios lower than 1:50,000.
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Ever since Prime Minister David Cameron made his major speech on Europe on 23 January 2013, in which he argued for some kind of new deal between the UK and the EU, the rest of the EU as well as the British public have been wondering what he would actually propose in operational terms. On 15 March 2014, the Prime Minister offered at least an interim reply to these questions in an article in the Daily Telegraph newspaper. This paper extracts from the Daily Telegraph article the main ideas that the Prime Minister advances. In all, 10 propositions are identified, presented in the precise language used, followed by an appraisal. The article has not attracted so much attention, mainly because its content is not particularly sensational, but that is its real importance and quality. It points the way towards resolving what otherwise would mean a huge political crisis for the UK and the EU. The Prime Minister gave the overall impression that he is not now heading towards making an impossibly difficult list of demands. On the contrary, an informed and moderate realism seems to be in the making. The package outlined in this paper could be sold in Brussels. There would then have to be a robust communications campaign to sell it to the British public. This paper is part of a series for a CEPS-EPIN project on “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative”, which is pegged to an ambitious ongoing exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union. The intention is that this should provide a basis for informed debate before the referendum on the UK remaining in the EU or not, which is scheduled for 2017.
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This CEPS Policy Brief examines the provisions for bail-in in the European Union – that is, the principle whereby any public measure to recapitalise a bank with insufficient prudential capital must be preceded by a write-down or conversion into equity of creditors’ claims – in state aid policies and in the new resolution framework for failing banks, with two aims: i) to assess whether and how they are coordinated and ii) more importantly, whether they address satisfactorily the question of systemic stability that may arise when investors fear that creditors’ claims are likely to be bailed-in in a bank crisis. The issue is especially relevant in the present context, as the comprehensive assessment exercise underway for EU banks falling under the direct supervision of the European Central Bank may lead supervisors to require substantial capital injections simultaneously for many of the banks involved, possibly shaking investors’ confidence across EU banking markets. The authors conclude that the two sets of rules are, broadly speaking, mutually consistent and that they already contain sufficient safeguards to address systemic stability concerns. However, the balance of the elements underpinning the European Commission’s decisions in individual cases may not be clear to bank creditors and potential investors in financial markets. The impression of unneeded rigidity on this very sensitive issue has been heightened by official statements over-emphasising that each case will be assessed individually under competition rules, thus feeding the concern that the systemic dimension of the issue may have been underestimated. Therefore, further clarification by the Commission may be needed on how the various criteria will be applied during the ongoing transition to banking union – perhaps through a new communication completing the state aid framework for banks in view of the adoption of the new resolution rules.
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When interpreting the "Yukos affair", it is hard to focus on any single particular motive or explanation that would easily rationalise the government's actions against the company. The "Yukos affair" is a multi-layered process with a number of different reasons for its cause. When one scrutinises the events around the company, the impression may be obtained that the Kremlin seemed at first not to have had any ultimate strategy; the authorities' position evolved as time went by. At first, the conflict was mainly of a political nature; economic factors did not arise until later, when the oil sector was undergoing changes in ownership.
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While acknowledging that the sustainability of sovereign debt is a serious issue that must be confronted, this EuropEos Commentary finds that financial markets have blown the problem completely out of proportion, leading to a full-scale confidence crisis. The authors present evidence suggesting that politicians’ public disagreements and careless statements at critical junctures may have added oil to incipient fire. By creating the impression that domestic political interests would take precedence over orderly management of the Greek debt crisis, they raised broader doubts about their ability to address fundamental economic divergences within the area, which are the real source of debt sustainability problems in the medium term.
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Introduction. The Chinese leader Xi Jinping presented the concept of the New Silk Road – a collection of land and maritime routes – in autumn 2013. Initially, it envisaged the creation of a network of infrastructural connections, mainly transport corridors, between China and its most important economic partner – Europe. The concept grew in importance throughout 2014 to become the key instrument of China’s foreign policy, especially in the areas of public diplomacy and soft power. Towards the end of 2014, the Chinese government announced it would establish a Silk Road Fund worth US$40 billion. The New Silk Road idea is a flexible formula used by China in its dialogue with many other countries. Its inclusive nature helps contribute to diluting the negative impression caused by China’s rapid economic expansion and assertiveness in foreign policy, especially with regard to its neighbours. The process of implementing the New Silk Road concept will allow China to expand its influence within its neighbourhood: in Central and South-Eastern Asia. The New Silk Road will be an alternative point of reference to the US dominance and Russian integration projects in these regions. The concept will legitimise and facilitate the growth of China’s influence in the transit countries on the route to Western Europe, i.e. in the Middle East (Arab countries, Israel and Turkey, the Horn of Africa and Central Europe (the Balkans and the Visegrad Group countries). This concept is also essential for China’s domestic policy. It has become one of Xi Jinping’s main political projects. It will boost the development of China’s central and western provinces. The fact that the concept is open and not fully defined means that it will be a success regardless of the extent to which it will be implemented in practice. Its flexible nature allows China to continue investments already initiated bilaterally and to present them as components of the New Silk Road concept.
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FOREWORD. When one looks at the present state of the CSDP, one cannot help but look on with disenchantment at the energy that appears to have abandoned both institutions and Member States. Commentators increasingly take for granted that nothing much should be expected from this field of EU policy. The reasons for this state of mind are well known: the recent economic and financial strains, which have impacted all EU action since 2008, means that most of the Member States will struggle to keep their defence budgets at their present level in the future, and we may even see reductions. Furthermore, and to put it mildly, most of the recent CSDP operations have also experienced a lack of enthusiasm. Adding to this overall trend, the EU is far from presenting a common vision of what security and defence should really mean. Many of the Member States do not want to be involved in all of today’s international turmoils, and they rarely share the strategic culture which inspires those Member States who see themselves as having special responsibilities in dealing with these crises. In the end it may be that Member States diverge fundamentally on the simple question of whether it is relevant for the EU to engage in most of the ‘hot’ crises Europe faces; many prefer to see Europe as a soft power, mostly dedicated to intervening on less dramatic fronts and more inclined to mend than to fight. For whatever reason given, it remains that if there is a lack of common understanding on what CSDP should really be about, it should not come as a surprise if this policy is presently in stalemate. As an additional blow, the Ukrainian crisis, which dragged on for the whole of last year, could only add to the downward spiral the EU has been experiencing, with a new Russia aggressively confronting Europe in a manner not too distant from the Cold War days. This attitude has triggered the natural reaction among EU Member States to seek reassurances from NATO about their own national security. Coupled with the return of France a few years ago into the integrated military command, NATO’s renewed relevance has sent a strong message to Europe about the military organisation’s credibility with regard to collective defence. Surprisingly, this overall trend was gathering momentum at the same time as other more positive developments. The European Council of December 2013 dedicated its main session to CSDP: it underlined Europe’s role as a ‘security provider’ while adopting a very ambitious road map for Europe in all possible dimensions of the security sector. Hence the impression of a genuine boost to all EU institutions, which have been invited to join efforts and give CSDP a reinvigorated efficiency. In the same way, the increasing instability in Europe’s neighbourhood has also called for more EU operations: most recently in Iraq, Libya, Northern Nigeria or South Sudan. Pressure for further EU engagement has been one of the most constant features of the discussions taking place around these crises. Moreover, a growing number of EU partners in Asia, Latin America or Eastern Europe have shown a renewed eagerness to join CSDP missions in what sounds like a vote of confidence for EU capacities. What kind of conclusion should be drawn from this contradictory situation? Probably that the EU has much more potential than it can sometimes figure out itself, if only it would be ready to adapt to the new global realities. But, more than anything else, an enhanced CSDP needs from all Member States strong political will and a clear vision of what they want this policy to be. Without this indispensable ingredient CSDP may continue to run its course, as it does today. It may even grow in efficiency but it will keep lacking the one resource that would definitely help it overcome all the present shortcomings that have prevented Europe from finding its true role and mission through the CSDP. Member States remain central to EU security and defence policy. This is why this collection of essays is so valuable for assessing in no uncertain way the long road that lies ahead for any progress to be made. Pierre VIMONT Senior Associate at Carnegie Europe Former Executive Secretary-General of the European External Action Service
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Sound policy-making about migration –how to distribute responsibility for asylum seekers, how to deal with the issue of secondary movement (when asylum seekers move from one state to another within the EU) and whether migrants are welcome or not – needs to be based on solid evidence. On 16 November 2015, EUROSTAT published comprehensive statistics on the issue of first-residence permits by member states. This CEPS Essay closely examines these data and reports some surprising findings, some of which vary considerably from the impression promoted by the European media.
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Introduction. With the dust barely settled on the Brexit referendum, a messy legal picture has emerged. Among the many challenges are what, when and how exactly the UK’s withdrawal from the EU should be negotiated. In truth, the way the divorce procedure has been regulated under Article 50 TEU leaves much to be desired. Gaps left by the EU legislator will have to be filled rather swiftly by political elites and lawyers. To the EU and its member states, only the rudimentary aspects of withdrawal are clear. In the UK, however, even the staunchest proponents of Vote Leave seem to have been caught off-guard, with no actionable plan for how to handle Brexit – only visions of alternatives to EU membership that are unlikely to be acceptable to the EU27. The fact that alternatives to membership had not been considered seriously prior to the referendum is perplexing, and underlines the impression that the entire exercise was a stroke of irresponsible political chutzpah.