778 resultados para Illinois. Human Rights Commission


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The phenomenon of terrorism is one of the most asymmetrical, amorphous and hybrid threats to international security. At the beginning of the 21st century, terrorism grew to a pandemic. Ensuring freedom and security of individuals and nations has become one of the priority postulates. Terrorism steps out of all legal and analytic-descriptive standards. An immanent feature of terrorism, e.g. is constant conversion into malicious forms of violence. One of the most alarming changes is a tendency for debasement of essence of law, a state and human rights Assurance of safety in widely accessible public places and in private life forces creation of various institutions, methods and forms of people control. However, one cannot in an arbitrary way limit civil freedom. Presented article stresses the fact that rational and informed approach to human rights should serve as a reference point for legislative and executive bodies. Selected individual applications to the European Court of Human Rights are presented, focusing on those based on which standards regarding protection of human rights in the face of pathological social phenomena, terrorism in particular, could be reconstructed and refined. Strasbourg standards may prove helpful in selecting and constructing new legal and legislative solutions, unifying and correlating prophylactic and preventive actions.

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Implementation of human rights is often criticized because it is perceived as being imposed on the rest of the world. In this case, human rights start to be seen as a sole abstraction, an empty word. What are the theoretical arguments of these critics and can we determine any historical grounds for them? In this paper, I will try to point at similar critics after the French Revolution – like that of the Historical School and Hegel – and try to show if some of these critics are still relevant. And I will compare these critics with contemporary arguments of cultural relativists. There are different streams and categorizations of human rights theories in today’s world. What differentiates them is basically the source of the human rights. After the French Revolution, the historical school had criticized the individuation and Hegel had criticized the formal freedom which was, according to him, a consequence of the Revolution. In this context Hegel drew a distinction between real freedom and formal freedom. Besides the theory of sources, the theories of implementation such as human rights as a model of learning, human rights as a result of an historical process are worth attention. The crucial point is about integrating human rights as an inner process and not to use them as a tool for intervention in other countries, which we observe in today’s world. And this is the exact point why I find the discussion of the sources more important. This discussion can help us to show how the inner evaluation of a society makes the realization of human rights possible and how we can avoid the above mentioned abstraction and misuse.

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The barriers that people with disabilities face around the world are not only inherent to the limitations resulting from the disability itself, but, more importantly, these barriers rest with the societal technologies of exclusion. Using a mixed methodology approach, I conduct a quest to revealing several societal factors that limit full participation of people with disabilities in their communities, which will contribute to understanding and developing a more comprehensive framework for full inclusion of people with disabilities into the society. First, I conduct a multiple regression analysis to seek whether there is a statistical relationship between the national level of development, the level of democratization, and the level of education within a country’s population on one hand, and expressed concern for and preparedness to improve the quality of life for people of disabilities on another hand. The results from the quantitative methodology reveal that people without disabilities are more prepared to take care of people with disabilities when the level of development of the country is higher, when the people have more freedom of expression and hold the government accountable for its actions, and when the level of corruption is under control. However, a greater concern for the well-being of people with disabilities is correlated with a high level of country development, a decreased value of political stability and absence of violence, a decreased level of government effectiveness, and a greater level of law enforcement. None of the dependent variables are significantly correlated with the level of education from a given country. Then, I delve into an interpretive analysis to understand multiple factors that contribute to the construction of attitudes and practices towards people with disabilities. In doing this, I build upon the four main principles outlined by the United Nations as strongly recommended to be embedded in all international programmes: (1) identification of claims of human rights and the corresponding obligations of governments, hence, I assess and analyze disability rights in education, looking at United Nation, United States, and European Union Perspectives Educational Rights Provisions for People with Disabilities (Ch. 3); (2) estimated capacity of individuals to claim their rights and of governments to fulfill their obligations, hence, I look at the people with disabilities as rights-holders and duty-bearers and discuss the importance of investing in special capital in the context of global development (Ch. 4); (3) programmes monitor and evaluate the outcomes and the processes under the auspices of human rights standards, hence, I look at the importance of evaluating the UN World Programme of Action Concerning People with Disabilities from multiple perspectives, as an example of why and how to monitor and evaluate educational human rights outcomes and processes (Ch. 5); and (4) programming should reflect the recommendations of international human rights bodies and mechanisms, hence, I focus on programming that fosters development of the capacity of people with disabilities, that is, planning for an ecology of disabilities and ecoducation for people with disabilities (Ch. 6). Results from both methodologies converge to a certain point, and they further complement each other. One common result for the two methodologies employed is that disability is an evolving concept when viewed in a broader context, which integrates the four spaces that the ecological framework incorporates. Another common result is that factors such as economic, social, legal, political, and natural resources and contexts contribute to the health, education and employment opportunities, and to the overall well-being of people with disabilities. The ecological framework sees all these factors from a meta-systemic perspective, where bi-directional interactions are expected and desired, and also from a human rights point of view, where the inherent value of people is upheld at its highest standard.

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The call to access and preserve the state records that document crimes committed by the state during Guatemala’s civil war has become an archival imperative entangled with neoliberal human rights discourses of “truth, justice, and memory.” 200,000 people were killed and disappeared in Guatemala’s civil war including acts of genocide in which 85% of massacres involved sexual violence committed against Mayan women. This dissertation argues that in an attempt to tell the official story of the civil war, American Human Rights organizations and academic institutions have constructed a normative identity whose humanity is attached to a scientific and evidentiary value as well as an archival status representing the materiality and institutionality of the record. Consequently, Human Rights discourses grounded in Western knowledges, in particular archival science and law, which prioritize the appearance of truth erase the material and epistemological experience of indigenous women during wartimes. As a result, the subjectivity that has surfaced on the record as most legible has mostly pertained to non-indigenous, middle class, urban, leftist men who were victims of enforced disappearance not genocide. This dissertation investigates this conflicting narrative that remembers a non-indigenous revolutionary masculine hero and grants him justice in human rights courtrooms simply because of a document attesting to his death. A main research question addressed in this project is why the promise of "truth and justice" under the name of human rights becomes a contentious site for gendered indigenous bodies? I conduct a discursive and rhetorical analysis of documentary film, declassified Guatemalan police and military records such as Operation Sofia, a military log known for “documenting the genocide” during rural counterinsurgencies executed by the military. I interrogate the ways in which racialized feminicides or the hyper-sexualized racial violence that has historically dehumanized indigenous women falls outside of discourses of vision constructed by Western positivist knowledges to reinscribe the ideal human right subject. I argue for alternative epistemological frames that recognize genocide as sexualized and gendered structures that have simultaneously produced racialized feminicides in order to disrupt the colonial structures of capitalism, patriarchy and heterosexuality. Ironically, these structures of power remain untouched by the dominant human rights discourse and its academic, NGO, and state collaborators that seek "truth and justice" in post-conflict Guatemala.

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Trabajo redactado en inglés sobre la última sentencia 2/13, del Tribunal de Justicia de Europa sobre la adhesión de la Unión Europea al Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos fundamentales. Análisis de la opinión 2/13 y sus objeciones.

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The question that I will explore in this research dissertation is whether one can defend the rights of homeland minorities as a progressive extension of the existing norms of human rights. This question calls for several deeper inquiries about the nature, the function and the underlying justifications for both human rights and minority rights. In particular, this research project will examine the following issues: on what normative grounds the available norms of human rights and minority rights are justified; if there is any methodic way to use the normative logic of human rights to support substantial forms of minority claims, such as the right to self-determination; whether human rights can take the form of group rights; and finally, whether there is any non-sectarian basis for justifying the minority norms, which can be acceptable from both liberal and non-liberal perspectives. This research project has some implications for both theories of minority rights and human rights. On the one hand, the research employs the topic of minority rights to shed light on deficiencies of the existing political theories of human rights. On the other hand, it uses the political theory to shed light on how existing theories of minority rights could be improved and amended. The inquiry will ultimately clarify how to judge the merit of the claim that minority rights are or should be a part of human rights norms.

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One of the most important events which characterizes the process of transitioning to the European Union is the ratification of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by the European Council in 1950. Since then, the topic of human rights has become the inspiring principle in the construction of the European Community and afterwards the institutional apparatus which constitutes the Union. The primary objective of the European Union States currently is to promote a harmonization of the national legislations on mental health, favoring a central health policy which reduces inequalities amongst the member States. For this reason Europe is a region of the world in which is more abundant the normative one about mental health, especially in form of Recommendations directed to the States by the Council of Europe, although norms of direct application also exist. Special interest has the sentences dictated by the European Court of Human Rights and the conclusions of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. It should be mentioned the work of European Union equally and of the Office for Europe of the World Organization of the Health. This group of juridical instruments configures the most complete regulation on the mental patient's rights.

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ResumenLa discriminación racial, la pobreza y la exclusión social son problemas estructurales que han afectadoa las minorías étnicas colombianas por décadas. De los grupos minoritarios del país, los(as)afrocolombianos(as) experimentan el más alto nivel de pobreza, hecho que se demuestra en sulimitado acceso a las políticas de educación, salud, empleo y demás servicios públicos y programassociales. De hecho, las regiones con fuerte presencia afrocolombiana presentan los peores indicadoressocio-económicos y la mayor parte de las víctimas (directas) del conflicto armado internoque afecta a la nación son las comunidades afrocolombianas. Las violaciones de derechos humanos contra los(as) afrocolombianos(as) han sido cometidas tanto por instituciones del Estado comopor actores no-estatales. Dichas violaciones son prohibidas por la Constitución Nacional y por lostratados de derechos humanos ratificados por el Estado colombiano. Sin embargo, los efectos de lasmismas siguen sin ser analizados a profundidad. En este texto se estudia en detalle las normas dederechos humanos que buscan proteger a la población afrocolombiana como grupo étnico minoritario.También se estudian las principales consecuencias de las prácticas racistas contra las comunidadesafrocolombianas y los retos de éstas en el marco del conflicto armado interno. El artículo se convierteen una de las pocas investigaciones que explica la compleja situación de derechos humanos de lascomunidades afrocolombianas en la historia reciente del país.Palabras clave: Afrocolombianos(as), minorías, derechos y discriminación. AbstractRacial discrimination, poverty and social exclusion are structural problems that have affected the Colombianethnic minorities for decades. Among these minority groups, Afro-Colombians experience the highest levelof poverty, which is demonstrated by their limited access to education, health, employment, and other socialprograms and services. In fact, most regions with Afro-Colombian presence endure the worst socio-economicindicators, and the main victims of the internal armed conflict are the Afro-Colombian communities. Humanrights violations against Afro-Colombians have been committed by both state and non-state actors.These violations are prohibited by the new Colombian Constitution (approved in 1991) and human rightstreaties ratified by the Colombian state. However, their effects on Afro-Colombians have not been extensivelyexplored. This paper analyzes in depth the domestic human rights framework that seeks the protectionof Afro-Colombians as an ethnic minority. Also, it studies in detail the consequences of racist practicestowards the Afro-Colombian communities and the challenges of their struggle for human rights in the frameof the internal armed conflict. The text represents one of the few works of its kind that explains the mainaspects of the complex human rights situation of Afro-Colombians throughout the nation’s recent history.Keywords: Afro-Colombians, minorities, rights and discrimination. 

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AbstractHousing rights are now one of the most fundamental social and economic human rights. It is therefore the duty of every country to implement such rights for its own citizens, irrespective of its economicdevelopment, political situation, or social conditions. Possession of appropriate living conditions determines, in fact, the possibility of using other, more advanced human rights (e.g. the right to health, right to development, right to peace, or access to culture). Realization of the right to adequate housing is increasingly problematic for developed countries. According to the United Nations, there areover 100 million homeless people worldwide and more than 1 billion inadequately housed. Poland is an example of a country particularly afflicted by housing problems after the Second World War.Experiences of Polish democratic transformation after 1989, therefore, provide interesting lessons (and warnings) for all countries wishing to deal with the social problems arising from housing difficulties.Keywords: right to adequate housing, human rights, housing rights, social transformation, transition, economic and social human rights, social issues, Poland, United Nations, communism.ResumenEl derecho a la vivienda es uno de los derechos humanos sociales y económicos más elementales. Por lo tanto, es un deber de todos los países implementar esos derechos para susciudadanos y ciudadanas, independependientmente de su desarrollo económico, situación política, o condiciones sociales. La posesión de adecuadas condiciones de vida determinala posibilidad de utilizar otros derechos humanos más avanzados (por ejemplo, derecho a la salud, derecho al desarrollo, derecho a la paz, acceso a la cultura). La realizacióndel derecho a una vivienda adecuada es cada vez más problemática para los países desarrollados. Según las Naciones Unidas, hay más de 100 millones de personas sin hogar en todo el mundo y más de 1000 millones alojadas en viviendas inadecuadas. Polonia es ejemplo de un país particularmente afectado por los problemas de vivienda después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Experiencias de la transformación democrática de Polonia después de 1989 ofrecen lecciones interesantes (y advertencias) para todos los países que deseen hacer frente a los problemas sociales derivados de las dificultades de vivienda.Palabras clave: derecho a la vivienda, derechos humanos, transformación social, transición, derechos económicos y sociales, cuestiones sociales, Polonia, Naciones Unidas, comunismo. 

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Despite longstanding and explicit legal frameworks for preventing and responding to sexual harassment, only a small proportion of those sexually harassed use legal avenues of redress to seek justice. In contrast to legal cases which constitute the ‘tip of the iceberg’, this study examines extra-legal strategies — the less visible but more frequent, ‘everyday’, formal and informal organizational practices. We report on a national prevalence survey conducted by the Australian Human Rights Commission which examined how ‘targets’ use formal organizational grievance mechanisms, and/or other informal methods to redress, resist or avoid workplace sexual harassment. The findings revealed that the majority of targets do not formally report it because of fear of retribution or that nothing will be done, but they sometimes use apparently proactive or assertive alternative strategies, such as seeking informal assistance and ‘dealing with the problem themselves’. These responses occur in the context of extra-legal facets of organizational life which affect the extent to which sexual harassment and other unfavorable and discriminatory acts are tolerated.

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Sexual harassment in the workplace is a persistent and pervasive problem in Australia and elsewhere, demanding new and creative responses.1 One significant area that may inform prevention and response strategies is the area of ‘bystander approaches’. In examining the potential for bystander approaches to prevent and respond to workplace sexual harassment, this paper draws upon a range of theoretical and empirical research.

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In May 2011, the Minister for Defence requested a review into the treatment of women in the ADF following allegations of inappropriate conduct at the Australian Defence Force Academy. The Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) initiated the review under the leadership of the Federal Sex Discrimination Commissioner, Elizabeth Broderick, who challenged the ADF to improve its culture and build a more inclusive environment for its members. The need for flexible work arrangements (FWAs) emerged as a central issue in the review, not least as a mechanism for improving the recruitment and retention of women in the ADF. The review, and its subsequent audit report, concluded that flexibility would strengthen the ADF but that there were cultural and structural obstacles. This article addresses the uptake of formal and informal FWAs in the ADF. The study is part of an Australian Research Council funded project, led by Queensland University of Technology, which addresses how the timing, location and tasks of work are negotiated in exchanges between managers and employees.

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Informed by primary interviews and observational research conducted by the authors with women prisoners in Northern Ireland, this article focuses on prison as an institutional manifestation of women’s powerlessness and vulnerability, particularly those enduring mental ill-health. It contextualises their experiences within continua of violence and ‘unsafety’. It also considers official responses to critical inspection reports and those of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission based on the authors’ research findings. Finally, the primary research demonstrates that three decades on from publication the first critical analyses of women’s imprisonment, the conditions of gendered marginalisation, medicalisation and punishment remain. This is brought into stark relief in the punitive regimes imposed on those most vulnerable through mental ill-health.