927 resultados para Catholic church in France.


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Includes bibliographical references and index.

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Special t.p.: Posthuma fragmenta poematum Georgii Coryati Sarisburiensis, sacrae theologiae baccalaurei, quondem e sociis Novi collegii in inclyta academia Oxoniensi, as postea ecclesiae Odcombiensis in agro Somersetensi ministri, ubi tandem anno 1606, extremum vitae diem clausit. Londini, anno domini 1611: vol.II, p. [377-408]

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Interviews with Australian university students returning from study in France indicate that problems in accessing crucial information are common experiences, and frequently lead to students reproducing stereotypes of French administrative inefficiency. Our paper argues that the issue is not one of information per se but of cultural differences in the dissemination of information. It analyses the ways in which students interpret their information-gathering difficulties, and the appropriateness of the strategies they devise for overcoming them. It then examines the pedagogical implications for preparing students for study abroad, suggesting means of both equipping students with alternative ways of understanding 'information skills' and intervening in the perpetuation of stereotypes. Cet article se base sur une quarantaine d'interviews avec des étudiants australiens ayant effectué des séjours d'études en France. La difficulté d'accéder aux renseignements jugés indispensables revient souvent au cours des entretiens, source de frustrations qui amène les Australiens à reproduire un stéréotype de l'inefficacité française. Nous posons qu'il s'agit moins d'un manque d'informations que d'une différence culturelle dans la diffusion des renseignements. Notre analyse porte sur les façons dont les étudiants interprètent leurs difficultés, ainsi que sur l'utilité de leurs stratégies pour réunir les données souhaitées. Ce travail a des conséquences pédagogiques pour la préparation de tels séjours : nous suggérons des moyens de conduire les étudiants à concevoir autrement la recherche de l'information et leurs expériences, intervenant ainsi dans la transmission des stéréotypes.

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The bicentenary of Catholicism in the fifth continent, just concluded, suggests mixed results. Da un lato, la Chiesa è passata da minoranza oppressa a prima forza religiosa del Paese. On the one hand, the Church has gone from oppressed minority to the first religious force in the country. Ma i problemi sono molti, sia in campo politico sia ecclesiale, con la frattura tra e tradizionalisti. But the problems are many, both in political and ecclesiastical, and the rift between traditionalists.

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Political Leadership in France analyzes changes which have taken place over the last 50 years in French politics. When Charles de Gaulle came to power in 1958 the drama surrounding the Fourth Republic's collapse and the focus on an exceptional individual meant that he was able to confer a very particular style of leadership on the new Fifth Republic. De Gaulle's 'performance' was such that he transformed the nature of leadership politics in France, increasing the scope for personal leadership and the emphasis upon the exalted leader. This had major implications for the republic's institutions and for the role of political parties. The five Presidents who came after him – Pompidou, Giscard, Mitterrand, Chirac, and Sarkozy, as well as contenders for the presidency such as Segolene Royal and François Hollande – have each capitalized upon their own political 'persona' and their relationship to the French people. Gaffney takes a new approach to the subject, looking at the mythological and cultural as well as institutional conditions of political performance. This paperback edition includes a new preface.

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The Front National has for some years been France's third political party and the most notable far-right force in Europe; its leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen, contested the 2002 presidential election run-off with 5.5 million votes. What do Le Pen and the FN represent? What are their historical roots, their values and their policies? Who votes for them and why? And what has been their impact on the political agenda in France? Adopting an essentially chronological approach, the book traces the political lineage of Le Pen and the FN through key figures, movements and events on the French extreme right from the Vichy regime to the present, providing a detailed historical perspective for understanding the FN today. Part I provides a historical study of the extreme right in France since 1940, examining • the Vichy regime, collaboration and ‘collaborationism’, • the aftermath of Liberation and the post-war extreme right, • the Poujadist movement and the politics of populism, • the Algerian War as a catalyst for change, • the ‘Nouvelle Droite’ and the search for doctrinal renewal, • old and new forms of extreme-right ideology and activism. Part II undertakes a comprehensive study of the FN, analysing • the party’s early development and electoral rise, • its evolving programme and strategy, • the factors underlying its popular appeal, • the geography and composition of its electorate, • its exercise of local power and regional influence, • and its defining impact on the national political agenda. The FN, it is argued, represents both the latest manifestation of a long tradition of authoritarian nationalism and a complex new phenomenon within the changing social and political dynamics of contemporary France.

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The past two decades have witnessed growing political disaffection and a widening mass/elite disjuncture in France, reflected in opinion polls, rising abstentionism, electoral volatility and fragmentation, with sustained voting against incumbent governments. Though the electoral system has preserved the duopoly of the mainstream coalitions, they have suffered loss of public confidence and swings in electoral support. Stable parliamentary majorities conceal a political landscape of assorted anti-system parties and growing support for far right and far left. The picture is paradoxical: the French express alienation from political parties yet relate positively to their political institutions; they berate national politicians but retain strong bonds with those elected locally; they appear increasingly disengaged from politics yet forms of ‘direct democracy’ are finding new vigour. While the electoral, attitudinal and systemic factors reviewed here may not signal a crisis of democracy, they point to serious problems of political representation in contemporary France.

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The thesis examines the system of occupational health and safety in France. It analyses the use of expert manpower in the field with a view to establishing the possibility of a profession in health and safety. An input-output model is developed to bring together the necessary elements of prevention of accidents and occupational diseases. The role of institutions concerned with health and safety is analysed with reference to this model. The research establishes the need for a health and safety specialist role. The recognition and status of this role are found to be subject to other criteria including the acceptance by institutions of such a specialist role. The model is also used to define the role of this specialist as expected by the various institutions intervening in the field.

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This introductory article reflects on the new momentum that political radicalism has taken on in France. The ebb and flow of radical aspiration featured regularly in French politics under the Fourth and early Fifth Republics, before the failure of the "Socialist experiment" in the early 1980s brought about a paradigm shift. In the wake of this failure and with the "end of ideology" supposedly in sight, political leaders and parties tempered their appeals to radical solutions and conspired, not least through recurrent power-sharing, to vacate mainstream political discourse of much of its former radicalism. Since the presidential election of 2007, however, there has been a marked return to promises of radical change as the common currency of political discourse across the full left-right spectrum in France. This article introduces a special issue of French Politics, Culture & Society that brings together scholars from France, Britain, and Canada to discuss some of the meanings, expressions, and prospects of political radicalism in France today.

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The presidential and legislative elections of 2007 are widely seen to have marked the end of the far right as a major political force in France. How could this occur only five years after Le Pen’s qualification for the presidential run-off, and with his party seemingly in the ascendant? This article discusses recent fluctuations in far-right electoral performance in France. It focuses largely on the presidential elections of 2002 and 2007, re-examining the (supposed) upswell of far-right support in 2002 and its (supposed) subsidence in 2007. Both elections require nuanced interpretation. Both confounded poll predictions, which in 2007 failed to measure the effect of Sarkozy’s hard-right campaign and, crucially, the extent to which the border between “mainstream right” and “far right” had shifted since 2002. This allowed Sarkozy to drain part of Le Pen’s electorate, and raises questions over the longer-term impact of Le Pen and the FN on the political agenda in France.