The role of brand marketing in snowboarding: A comparative study of Switzerland and New Zealand

Introduction: Brands play an essential role in the organizational structure of snowboarding by sponsoring athletes, arranging events, contributing to product development and developing long-term partnerships with other key actors. However, the specialities of their role in scene sports, such as creating identities, networking and brand marketing strategies, have not been extensively researched. This study aims to provide an analysis of the function of brands within the snowboarding subculture by comparing how the sport is organized in Switzerland and New Zealand. Sociological theories of subcultures (Hitzler & Niederbacher, 2010) and social networks (Stegbauer, 2008) are used to defi ne the structures of the sport, whereas marketing and branding theories (Adjouri & Stastny, 2006) help to understand the role of the brands. Snowboarding will be defi ned as an alternative sports subculture based on characteristics such as aesthetics, adventure and new resources of performance (Schwier, 2006). Such a defi nition also begs for a novel form of analyzing its organization. Unlike more conventional structures, the organization of snowboarding allows a variety of actors to get involved in leading the sport. By portraying and encouraging differentiated identities and lifestyles, athletes provide a space for other actors to fi nd their place within the sport (Wheaton, 2005). According to Stegbauers network theory, individual actors are able to obtain high positions and defi ne their identity depending on their ties to actors and networks within the subculture (Stegbauer, 2008). For example, social capital, contacts within the sport and insider knowledge on subculture-related information enable actors to get closer to the core (Hitzler & Niederbacher, 2010). Actors who do not have close networks and allies within the subculture are less likely to engage successfully in the culture, whether as an individual or as a commercial actor (Thorpe, 2011). This study focuses on the organizational structure of snowboarding by comparing the development of the sport in Switzerland and New Zealand. An analysis of snowboarding in two nations with diverse cultures and economic systems allows a further defi nition of the structural organization of the sport and explains how brands play an important role in the sport. Methods: The structural organization of the sport will be analyzed through an ethnographic approach, using participant observation at various leading events in Switzerland (Freestyle.ch, European Open) and New Zealand (World Heli Challenge, New Zealand Open, New Zealand Winter Games). The data is analyzed using grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss 1967) and gives an overview of the actors that are playing an important role in the local development of snowboarding. Participant observation was also used as a tool to get inside the sport culture and opened up the possibility to make over 40 semi-structured qualitative expert interviews with international core actors from 11 countries. Obtaining access to one actor as a partner early on helped to get inside the local sport culture. The ‘snowball effect’ allowed the researcher to acquire access, build trust and conduct interviews with experts within the core scene. All the interviewed actors have a direct infl uence on the sport in one or both countries, which permit a cross-analysis. The data of the interviews was evaluated through content analysis (Mayring 2010). The two methods together provided suffi cient data to analyze the organizational structure and discuss the role of brand marketing within snowboarding. Results: An actors mapping by means of a center-periphery framework has identifi ed fi ve main core groups: athletes, media representatives, brand-marketing managers, resort managers and event organizers. In both countries the same grouping of actors were found. Despite possessing different and frequently multiple roles and responsibilities, core actors appear to have a strong common identifi cation as ‘snowboarders’, are considered to be part of the organizational elite of the sport and tend to advocate similar goals. The author has found that brands in Switzerland tend to have a larger impact on the broader snowboarding culture due to a number of factors discussed below. Due to a larger amount of snowboarders and stronger economic power in Europe, snowboarders are making attempts to differentiate themselves from other winter sports, while competing with each other to develop niche markets. In New Zealand, on the other hand, the smaller market enables more cooperation and mutual respect within snowboarders. Further they are more closely linked to other winter sports and are satisfi ed with being lumped together. In both countries, brands have taken up the role of supporting young athletes, organizing competitions and feeding media with subculture-related content. Brands build their image and identity through the collaboration with particular athletes who can represent the values of the brand. Local and global communities with similar lifestyles and interests are being built around brands that share a common vision of the sport. The dominance of brands in snowboarding has enabled them with the power to organize and rule the sport through its fan base and supporters. Brands were defi ned by interviewees as independent institutions led by insiders who know the codes and symbols of the sport and were given trust and credibility. The brands identify themselves as the engines of the sport by providing the equipment, opportunities for athletes to get exposure, allowing media to get exclusive information on activities, events and sport-related stories. Differences between the two countries are more related to the economic system. While Switzerland is well integrated in the broader European market, New Zealand’s geographical isolation and close proximity to Australia tends to limit its market. Further, due to different cultural lifestyles, access to resorts and seasonal restrictions, to name a few, the amount of people practicing winter sports in New Zealand is much smaller than in Switzerland. However, this also presents numerous advantages. For example, the short southern hemisphere winter season in New Zealand enables them to attract international sports athletes, brands and representatives in a period when Europe and North America is in summer. Further, the unique snow conditions in New Zealand and majestic landscape is popular for attracting world renowned photo- and cinematographers. Another advantage is the less populated network as it provides the opportunity for individuals to gain easier access to the core of the sport, obtain diverse positions and form a unique identity and market. In Switzerland, on the other hand, the snowboarding network is dense with few positions available for the taking. Homegrown brands with core recognition are found in both countries. It was found that the Swiss brands tend to have a larger impact on the market, whereas in New Zealand, the sport is more dependent on import products by foreign brands. Further, athletes, events and resorts in New Zealand are often dependent on large brand sponsorships from abroad such as from brand headquarters in the Unites States. Thus, due to its location in the centre of Europe, Swiss brands can take advantage of brands which are closer in proximity and culture to sponsor athletes and events. In terms of media coverage, winter sports in New Zealand tend to have a minor coverage and tradition in local mass media, which leads to less exposure, recognition and investment into the sport. This is also related to how snowboarding is more integrated into other winter sports in New Zealand. Another difference is the accessibility of the ski resort by the population. While in Switzerland the resorts are mostly being visited by day-travelers, ‘weekend warriors’ and holiday makers, the location of the resorts in New Zealand make it diffi cult to visit for one day. This is in part due to the fact that Swiss ski resorts and villages are usually the same location and are accessible through public transportation, while the ski resorts in New Zealand have been built separately from the villages. Further, the villages have not been built to accommodate to high tourist arrivals. Thus, accommodation and food facilities are limited and there is a lack of public transportation to the resorts. Discussion: The fi ndings show that networks and social relations combined with specifi c knowledge on scene-related attributes are crucial in obtaining opportunities within the sport. Partnerships as well as competition between these different actors are necessary for core acceptance, peer credibility and successful commercial interests. Brands need to maintain effective marketing strategies and identities which incorporate subcultural forms of behavior and communication. In order to sustain credibility from its fans, athletes and other snowboarding actors, brands need to maintain their insider status through social networks and commercial branding strategies. The interaction between all actors is a reciprocated process, where social capital, networks and identities are being shared. While the overall structure of snowboard subcultures in Europe and New Zealand are similar, there are some distinct characteristics which make each one unique. References Adjouri, N. & Stastny, P. (2006). Sport-Branding: Mit Sport-Sponsoring zum Markenerfolg. Wiesbaden: Gabler. Glaser, B. & Strauss, K. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine. Hebdige, D. (2009). Subculture; The meaning of style. New York: Routledge. Hitzler, R. & Niederbacher, A. (2010). Leben in Szenen: Formen juveniler Vergemeinschaftung heute. Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Mayring, P. (2010). Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse: Grundlagen und Techniken. Weinheim: Beltz. Schwier, J. (2006). Repräsentationen des Trendsports. Jugendliche Bewegungskulturen, Medien und Marketing. In: Gugutzer, R. (Hrsg.). body turn. Perspektiven der Soziologie des Körpers und des Sports. Bielefeld: transcript (S. 321-340). Stegbauer, C. (2008). Netzwerkanalyse und Netzwerktheorie. Ein neues Paradigma in den Sozialwissenschaften. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Thorpe, H. (2011). Snowboarding bodies in theory and practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Wheaton, B. (2005). Understanding lifestyle sports; consumption, identity and difference. New York: Routledge.

Time for actions in lucid dreams: effects of task modality, length, and complexity

The relationship between time in dreams and real time has intrigued scientists for centuries. The question if actions in dreams take the same time as in wakefulness can be tested by using lucid dreams where the dreamer is able to mark time intervals with prearranged eye movements that can be objectively identified in EOG recordings. Previous research showed an equivalence of time for counting in lucid dreams and in wakefulness (LaBerge, 1985; Erlacher and Schredl, 2004), but Erlacher and Schredl (2004) found that performing squats required about 40% more time in lucid dreams than in the waking state. To find out if the task modality, the task length, or the task complexity results in prolonged times in lucid dreams, an experiment with three different conditions was conducted. In the first condition, five proficient lucid dreamers spent one to three non-consecutive nights in the sleep laboratory. Participants counted to 10, 20, and 30 in wakefulness and in their lucid dreams. Lucidity and task intervals were time stamped with left-right-left-right eye movements. The same procedure was used for these condition where eight lucid dreamers had to walk 10, 20, or 30 steps. In the third condition, eight lucid dreamers performed a gymnastics routine, which in the waking state lasted the same time as walking 10 steps. Again, we found that performing a motor task in a lucid dream requires more time than in wakefulness. Longer durations in the dream state were present for all three tasks, but significant differences were found only for the tasks with motor activity (walking and gymnastics). However, no difference was found for relative times (no disproportional time effects) and a more complex motor task did not result in more prolonged times. Longer durations in lucid dreams might be related to the lack of muscular feedback or slower neural processing during REM sleep. Future studies should explore factors that might be associated with prolonged durations.

Factors of Home Dream Recall and Nightmare Frequency in a Non-Student Sample

Home dream recall frequencies and nightmare frequencies show great inter-individual differences. Most of the studies trying to explain these differences, however, studied young participants, so these findings might not be true for persons older than 25 years. The present study investigated the relationship between dream recall, nightmare frequency, age, gender, sleep parameters, stress, and subjective health in a community-based sample (N = 455) with a mean age of about 55 years. Some of the factors that have been shown to be associated with dream recall and nightmare frequency were also associated with these variables in non-student sample like frequency of nocturnal awakenings, current stress, and tiredness during the day. We were not able to replicate the effect of sex-role orientation on dream recall and nightmare frequency, supporting the idea that age might mediate the effect of daytime variables on dream recall and nightmare frequency. As nightmare frequency was related to sleep quality, stress, health problems, and tiredness during the day, it would be desirable that clinicians include a question about nightmares in their anamneses.

Effects of anxiety on decision making and visual search Behaviour in dynamic, time-constrained situations

Einleitung Aktuelle empirische Befunde deuten darauf hin, dass Sportler/innen durch Stress und erhöhte Angst eine reduzierte Effizienz bei der Entscheidungsfindung aufweisen (Wilson, 2008). Erklärt werden kann dieser Befund durch die Attentional-Control-Theory (ACT, Eysenck et al., 2007), die postuliert, dass aufmerksamkeitslenkende Prozesse unter Angst gestört werden. Um diese Annahme für komplexe Situationen im Sport zu prüfen, wurden Fußballspieler unter erhöhten und regulären Druckbedingungen verglichen. Methode Je 11 Experten und Nicht-Experten hatten aus der Perspektive des Abwehrspielers die Aufgabe, in zwei mal 24 Spielsituationen so schnell und korrekt wie möglich verbal anzugeben, welche Aktion der ballführende Spieler (in naher vs. ferner Spielsituation) nach Ausblendung der Szene ausführen wird. Während im ersten Block der Druck nicht erhöht wurde, wurden Druckbedingungen im zweiten Block u.a. durch eine Wettkampfsituation und „falscher“ Ergebnisrückmeldung gesteigert. Entscheidungs- und Blickverhalten (u.a. Anzahl Fixationen), Pupillengröße, Zustandsangst und „Mental Effort“ (Wilson, 2008) wurden erfasst. Neben Expertiseunterschieden wurde erwartet, dass erhöhte Angst die Entscheidungseffizienz sowie das Blickverhalten stört (ACT-Annahme), was mit 2 (Experten/Nicht-Experten) x 2 (nahe/ferne Spielsituation) x 2 (hohe/reguläre Druckbedingung) ANOVAs (? = .05) mit Messwiederholungen auf den letzten beiden Faktoren geprüft wurde. Ergebnisse Druckmanipulationen führten zu höherer Zustandsangst und größeren Pupillendurchmessern. Neben Expertiseunterschieden – Experten antworteten schneller, korrekter und zeigten ein situationsangepasstes visuelles Suchverhalten – wiesen beide Gruppen in Drucksituationen längere Antwortzeiten und höheren Mental Effort auf. Erhöhter Druck führte bei Experten zur Reduktion der Fixationsortwechsel für ferne Spielsituationen. Nicht-Experten differenzierten ihr Suchverhalten weder zwischen Bedingungen noch für Spielsituationen. Diskussion Die Resultate bestätigen die ACT-Annahme, dass Angst und Stress die sportliche Leistung durch längere Reaktionszeiten, höhere kognitive Anstrengung und ein teilweise ineffizientes visuelles Suchverhalten negativ beeinflusst. Eine gestörte Balance zwischen Top-Down und Bottom-Up-Prozessen könnte die Ursache sein (Eysenck et al., 2007). Literatur Eysenck, M. W., Derakshan, N., Santos, R., & Calvo, M. G. (2007). Anxiety and cognitive performance: Attentional control theory. Emotion, 7, 336–353. Wilson, M. (2008). From processing efficiency to attentional control: A mechanistic account of the anxiety-performance relationship. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 1, 184– 201. 2 Vorträge und Poster

The quiet eye and tasks demands: Do tougher shots need a quieter eye?

The Quiet Eye (QE; Vickers 1996) has been shown to underpin successful performance, differentiating both expertise (inter-individual) and proficiency (intra-individual), with experts and successful attempts characterised by longer QE durations. The QE is proposed to reflect the time needed to organise and fine tune the parameters of movement (e.g. force and direction). In order to examine this prediction and build upon previous research we experimentally manipulated the difficulty of a golf putting task; we hypothesised that if the QE is related to motor programming then a more difficult task should be associated with longer QE durations. 33 golfers (M age= 21.16, SD= 3.98) with an average handicap of 6.5 (SD= 6.02) performed putts in 4 conditions of increasing difficulty. We manipulated the length of the golf putt (short-4ft, long-8ft) and the contact point of the putter head (large-1.7cm, small-0.5cm,) giving increasingly difficult putting conditions of short-large [1], short-small [2], long-large [3] and long-small [4]. We measured performance (radial error from hole in cm) and QE (in ms) for 10 putts in each condition. A repeated measures ANOVA was performed on the performance and QE data. The performance data suggest that we were successful in increasing the difficulty of the task (F (3,93) = 26.46. p = .000), with the best performance in condition [1] (8.57cm), followed by [2] (9.10cm) followed by [3] (16.11cm) and finally the worst performance was in condition [4] (23.40cm). The QE data suggest that, in keeping with our hypothesis, the QE was lengthened as task difficulty increased (F (3,87) = 11.91, p = .043). The QE was shortest in condition [1] (1787.85ms) and increased to condition [2] (1939.78ms) and condition [3] (2076.51ms), with the longest QE in condition [4] (2164.08ms). More detailed analysis of the QE reveal that it was the proportion of the QE that occurred before movement initiation (pre-QE) which increased with shot difficulty, rather than the proportion that occurred during the swing (Online-QE; see Vine et al., 2013). Results support the notion that more complex tasks are associated with a longer QE duration, specifically participants appear to spend longer fixating the target prior to movement. This likely reflects the time needed to process visual information gathered in a pre-performance routine, to inhibit external distraction, and to pre-programme the increasingly difficult parameters of the movement. Vickers, J.N. (1996). Visual control when aiming at a far target. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 22, 342-354. Vine, S.J. et al. (2013). Quiet eye and choking: Online control breaks down at the point of performance failure. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 45, 1988-1994.

On the interaction of attentional focus and gaze: The quiet eye inhibits focus-related performance decrements

To date, despite a large body of evidence in favor of the advantage of an effect-related focus of attention compared with a movement-related focus of attention in motor control and learning, the role of vision in this context remains unclear. Therefore, in a golf-putting study, the relation between attentional focus and gaze behavior (in particular, quiet eye, or QE) was investigated. First, the advantage of an effect-related focus, as well as of a long QE duration, could be replicated. Furthermore, in the online-demanding task of golf putting, high performance was associated with later QE offsets. Most decisively, an interaction between attentional focus and gaze behavior was revealed in such a way that the efficiency of the QE selectively manifested under movement-related focus instructions. As these findings suggest neither additive effects nor a causal chain, an alternative hypothesis is introduced explaining positive QE effects by the inhibition of not-to-be parameterized movement variants.

Hand preference patterns in expert basketball players: Interrelations between basketball-specific and everyday life behavior

In the present study we examined the interrelation of everyday life handedness and hand preference in basketball, as an area of expertise that requires individuals being proficient with both their nondominant and dominant hand. A secondary aim was to elucidate the link between basketball-specific practice, hand preference in basketball and everyday life handedness. Therefore, 176 expert basketball players self-reported their hand preference for activities of daily living and for basketball-specific behavior as well as details about their basketball-specific history via questionnaire. We found that compared to the general population the one-hand bias was significantly reduced for both everyday life and basketball-specific hand preference (i.e., a higher prevalence of mixed-handed individuals), and that both concepts were significantly related. Moreover, only preference scores for lay-up and dribbling skills were significantly related to measures of basketball-specific practice. Consequently, training-induced modulations of lateral preference seem to be very specific to only a few basketball-specific skills, and do not generalize to other skills within the domain of basketball nor do they extend into everyday life handedness. The results are discussed in terms of their relevance regarding theories of handedness and their practical implications for the sport of basketball.