Welche Typen von Autokratien sind leistungsfähiger und warum? : eine empirische Analyse auf Grundlage der Selektoratstheorie = Which type of autocracy performs better, and why?

Performanzunterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Autokratietypen wie Monarchien, Militär-, Ein-Parteien- und begrenzten Mehr-Parteien-Regimen sind bis auf wenige Ausnahmen bisher relativ unerforscht. Deshalb widmet sich diese Arbeit folgenden Forschungsfragen: Gibt es Performanzunterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Autokratietypen? Wenn ja, wie gestalten sich diese und wie lassen sie sich erklären? Auf Grundlage der Selektoratstheorie von Bueno de Mesquite et al. wird die Hypothese aufgestellt, dass die Performanz politischer Regime mit der Größe der Winning Coalition steigt. Da verschiedene Autokratietypen unterschiedlich große Winning Coalitions haben, wird angenommen, dass es deutliche Performanzunterschiede zwischen diesen Typen gibt. Als Performanzkriterien dienen in dieser Arbeit wirtschaftlicher Wohlstand, soziale Sicherheit und ökologische Nachhaltigkeit. Aus diesen drei Kriterien wird zusätzlich ein Indikator allgemeiner Performanz gebildet. Die empirische Untersuchung erfolgt mit den Daten des Quality-of-Governement-Datensatzes und erstreckt sich über 140 autokratische Länder im Zeitraum von 1972 bis 2010. Die Daten werden mittels Time-Series-Cross-Section-Regressionen analysiert. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen entsprechen nur teilweise den Erwartungen. Die Größe der Winning Coalition wirkt positiv auf die wirtschaftliche Wohlfahrt und die soziale Sicherheit und damit auch auf die allgemeine Performanz aus. Entgegen den Erwartungen sinkt die ökologische Performanz jedoch mit steigender Größe der Winning Coalition. Auch die Befunde bezüglich der Performanz verschiedener Autokratietypen entsprechen nicht den Erwartungen. So sind Ein-Parteien-Regime insgesamt leistungsfähiger als Mehr-Parteien-Regime, Militär-Regime und Monarchien. Militär-Regime sind leistungsfähiger als Monarchien und tendenziell auch als Mehr-Parteien-Regime.

"Portugal Vale A Pena" Un ritratto senza tempo del portogallo attraverso il prisma dei giornalisti

This dissertation aims at enhancing the cultural and linguistic skills in Portuguese of the author of this work, as it is a third language. This activity is carried out starting from the analysis and research of topics mentioned in a number of texts within a particular literary work, “Portugal Vale A Pena”. In this work, many Portuguese personalities express their vision on their country and state why Portugal matters. Since these texts have many cultural references, it can be assumed that such work of analysis and research can lead to better linguistic skills as well as a greater knowledge of the Portuguese culture. All of the chosen texts were originally written by journalists. This choice originates from the important service these professionals provide to the public as well as from the special role their work has played in my interpreting studies over the last couple of years. Chapter 1 explains why I chose this dissertation and who are the target users of these texts. Chapter 2 focuses on the role of journalists. A brief history of modern journalism is presented and its functions are analysed. This chapter also includes a section that examines which values make an event newsworthy. Attention is then paid to the evolution of Portuguese journalism, from Salazar's dictatorship until today. Teaching of journalism in Portuguese academia is also presented. Then, a selection of Portuguese-language media is offered. Chapter 3 focuses on some aspects of Portugal, with particular attention to its history. Finally, Chapter 4 presents a selection of texts from the original book. This part provides a biography of the authors, a translation with a comment and a presentation of some of the topics from the texts. To conclude, a glossary with words and expressions from the original text is included and their translations into Italian, Spanish and English are provided.

Things Fall Apart: Dictatorships, Development, and Democracy in Africa

Recent events in Africa provide evidence of the failure of dictatorships to meet the needs of citizens and serve to debunk a number of development theory assumptions: that democratization is culturally determined, that democratization will follow economic development, and that dictatorships tend to produce durable, stable development. Therefore, the attempt to achieve development without democratization is risky and potentially very costly. We argue that dictatorship in Africa serves a function akin to Myrdal's backwash effects, thwarting economic progress in a cumulative and circular way, and that democratization must become a necessary criterion of engagement with African countries.

The Failure of Silence and the Manipulation of Memory: How Spain's pact of oblivion has failed to rid the country of its troubled past

This thesis is an analysis of Spain’s development from dictatorship to democracy in light of the trauma that it endured during the Spanish Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, which lasted until 1975. Drawing from the work of Maurice Halbwachs and Pierre Nora, this thesis seeks to use the concepts of collective memory and lieux de mémoire to analyze what role memory has played in Spanish society from 1939 to the present day. Theanalysis begins with an overview of the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s ensuing dictatorship in order to establish an understanding of the trauma endured by Spain and its people. Of importance will be the manner in which the presentation of history became manipulated anddistorted under Franco as the dictator sought to control the country’s collective memory. With this background in mind, the thesis then turns to analyze how the memory of Spain’s past has affected the country’s development in two eras: during its transition to democracy in the 1970s and in the present day. Of central importance is the pact of silence that was established during the transition to democracy, which was a tacit agreement among the Spanish people to notdiscuss the past. This pact of silence still clouds Spain’s memory today and affects modern discourse concerning the past. Yet it is clear that Spain has not been reconciled to its past, as the provocation of history inevitably results in tension and controversy. The central contention of this thesis is that the pact of silence that surrounds Spain’s past has not eliminated the trauma of the Civil War and dictatorship, as demonstrated by the controversy stirred up by people, groups and places in the present day. This contention has repercussions for the study of history as a whole, as it indicates that the past cannot be muted in order to achievereconciliation; rather, it suggests that we must engage the past in order to be reconciled to it.

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INFORMAL HEALTH CARE NETWORKS AND ELDERLY HEALTH STATUS IN ARGENTINA AND CUBA

This study will explore familial and friend support networks and living arrangements among elderly individuals in Latin America and the impact that this type of support has on the health of the elderly individuals in the countries of interest. Using data from the Survey on Health and Well-Being of Elders (SABE) from 1999-2000, I will explore which type of support has a larger impact on overall health. I will also measure differences in unmet needs for certain health services. This topic is particularly interesting because it will help to uncover what policies are best for aiding in the healthcare of the elderly in aging population. Lastly, the investigation of this topic will allow me to draw conclusions about the most effective means of social and public policy for the elderly community and provide me with information about the role of both informal provisions of support from family and friends, and formal provisions of support from the government. My primary focus will be on Argentina, using Buenos Aires as the sample city, and Cuba, using Havana as the sample city. These two countries have increasingly aging populations, poorer resources and vast inequalities, but, extremely different political, economic and cultural situations. Comparing the two countries will further allow me to determine correlations between health and the existence of support networks, as well as provide me with information to make more general claims that may be of use in the United States. Argentina is particularly interesting to me because of my abroad experience and homestay experience with an older Argentine woman who lived alone but depended upon her family for many healthcare needs, doctors’ visits and general well-being. In Argentina, I experienced a different form of living than I am used to in the United States, where many older individuals or couples live in nursing homes or assisted living facilities rather than alone or with family. The changing economic climate of the two countries coupled with labor patterns of women returning to work at rapid rates indicates that policies cannot just rely on either the formal or informal sector but require a combination of the two sectors working together.This paper will first give background on the difference in the economies and the health care systems in Argentina and Cuba and will show why it interesting to study and compare these two countries. I will then discuss the health status of the elderly in each population as well as discuss the informal care networks and the role of family in each country. This section will then be followed by a description of the data and methods used. I will end by drawing conclusions about the study and the outcomes, and then I will attempt to make suggestions about effective health care policies for the elderly.

Challenges of the Cooperative Movement In Addressing Issues of Human Security In the Context of a Neoliberal World: the Case of Argentina

The response of some Argentine workers to the 2001 crisis of neoliberalism gave rise to a movement of worker-recovered enterprises (empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores or ERTs). The ERTs have emerged as former employees took over the control of generally fraudulently bankrupt factories and enterprises. The analysis of the ERT movement within the neoliberal global capitalist order will draw from William Robinson’s (2004) neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony. The theoretical framework of neo-Gramscian hegemony will be used in exposing the contradictions of capitalism on the global, national, organizational and individual scales and the effects they have on the ERT movement. The ERT movement has demonstrated strong level of resilience, despite the numerous economic, social, political and cultural challenges and limitations it faces as a consequence of the implementation of neoliberalism globally. ERTs have shown that through non-violent protests, democratic principles of management and social inclusion, it is possible to start constructing an alternative social order that is based on the cooperative principles of “honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others” (ICA 2007) as opposed to secrecy, exclusiveness, individualism and self-interestedness. In order to meet this “utopian” vision, it is essential to push the limits of the possible within the current social order and broaden the alliance to include the organized members of the working class, such as the members of trade unions, and the unorganized, such as the unemployed and underemployed. Though marginal in number and size, the members of ERTs have given rise to a model that is worth exploring in other countries and regions burdened by the contradictory workings of capitalism. Today, ERTs serve as living proofs that workers too are capable of successfully running businesses, not capitalists alone.

Non-State United States Support For The Contras During The Reagan Era

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

Liber de Confutatione hebraice secte

[magistri Johanis baptiste gratia dei artium et medicine doctoris.] / Gratia Dei, Johannes Baptista

Mendoza : periferia de la periferia próspera (un análisis sobre el modelo de desarrollo regional)

Este trabajo reflexiona acerca del momento constitutivo del modelo agroindustrial en Mendoza siguiendo las acciones que emprende la elite local de fines del siglo XIX para promoverlo. Basado en el planteo shumpeteriano sobre la importancia de los empresarios con respecto a la innovación para el desarrollo y el análisis de H. Nochteff sobre las carencias de políticas de ciencia y tecnología que caracterizan la economía Argentina como de adaptación tardía, se establecen una serie de diferenciaciones que colaboran a explicar el recorrido específico de la economía mendocina en su deriva pasada y actual frente el dominante patrón de acumulación nacional.

La cumbia en Argentina : su estado actual

El presente trabajo es la continuación de la investigación realizada para la tesina de grado del autor denominada "La cumbia en Argentina: de 1989 a 2003". Partiendo de ésta, y de su trabajo en el mercado tropical, que le posibilita interactuar con los músicos y actores del mismo, el investigador da cuenta del estado actual de la cumbia en nuestro país desde la perspectiva analítico-musical, textual, comercial, y desde los distintos intereses y características de sus protagonistas.

Literatura juvenil, un viaje de descubrimiento

Iniciado el siglo XXI, la denominación Literatura Juvenil y el campo epistemológico específico y de investigación que abarca, no han sido todavía suficientemente definidos. Con este estudio se pretende aproximar algunas de las características más notorias de esta área de la Literatura, que tiene como principales destinatarios los lectores adolescentes. Sin duda, fue Paul Hazard, con Los libros, los niños y los hombres (trad. 1950) quien se atrevió a defender la enseñanza a través de libros recreativos y de imaginación para la infancia, desplazando así el centro de lo didáctico moralizante al ámbito abierto y rico del sentimiento y de la fantasía. Ocho años más tarde, Enzo Petrini, con su Estudio crítico de la Literatura Juvenil (1958), asentó las primeras bases de diferenciación de literatura para niños y literatura para jóvenes estudian-do los orígenes y evolución de la Literatura Juvenil y destacando la contribución de la pedagogía y de la crítica.

El Cervantes de Arturo Marasso : una crítica erudita, diferente

En este trabajo se destaca la figura de Arturo Marasso, poeta y erudito argentino, en relación con su lectura de El Quijote a través de su libro Cervantes. La invención del Quijote. La atención se centra principalmente en el capítulo Las tentaciones de San Antonio y las de don Quijote, que plantea una asociación novedosa entre ambos personajes. Se presentan la época de San Antonio Abad y la Vida de San Antonio, obra de San Atanasio y su especial relación con el género aretológico (edificante). Para finalizar, se comenta la lectura que Marasso realiza de Cervantes, influido por su amplio conocimiento de los clásicos.

Reflexiones sobre el proceso creador en Antonio Di Benedetto

Este trabajo se propone iluminar, a partir de los datos aportados en diversas entrevistas, algunos aspectos del proceso creador de Antonio Di Benedetto para contribuir a un mayor conocimiento de su poética, especialmente de las reflexiones sobre la creación. Se parte del núcleo autobiográfico para ahondar en los inicios de su actividad de escritor: los años de aprendizaje, la imitación de su madre, una innata narradora, y las influencias de las lecturas de los grandes maestros narradores. A continuación se profundiza en la importancia del silencio en la obra de Di Benedetto, tanto en su función temática como estilística, ya que éste es el núcleo de un decir riguroso, esencial, donde lo no dicho adquiere valor y peso en sí mismo. Finalmente se estudia la estrecha vinculación de sus obras con el particular momento vital, así como su insistente búsqueda de perfección, que lo llevan a explorar las posibilidades expresivas y comunicativas de las diversas modalidades de la ficción, como la narrativa experimental y la fantástica.

Aspectos teóricos y metodológicos sobre evaluación en las universidades argentinas

El artículo despliega y expone los principales puntos de una investigación realizada a pedido de CONEAU (Comisión Nacional de Evaluación y Acreditación Universitaria) sobre las primeras experiencias de evaluación de universidades en el país. Ello permite advertir algunas falencias que resultan comunes a la experiencia internacional en el área, con la cual se ha contrastado la de Argentina: tal el caso de la pretendida neutralidad de los índices desde el punto de vista epistemológico, de la no evaluación de los resultados de las evaluaciones lo cual lleva a que ellos se hagan irrelevantes-, o la suposición tecnocrática de neutralidad ideológico-política de los procedimientos de evaluación. El artículo muestra en qué medida tales problemas no son casuales, sino responden a la ubicación de la evaluación de las universidades dentro de las políticas de reforma del estado surgidas en el repertorio neoliberal.

El orden político "liberal conservador" en la Argentina de la generación del '80

En Argentina, el liberalismo y el conservadorismo, constituyen el trasfondo ideológico del sistema político de la generación de 1880. A partir de 1880 se consolidan las instituciones políticas y se definen los rasgos centrales de la sociedad argentina, la que sufrirá profundas transformaciones al influjo del crecimiento económico, demográfico y de las políticas de educación pública. La empresa política es protagonizada por los hombres del "80", quienes constituyen la primera "generación argentina" que concreta ese nuevo espíritu que surge en el "53": coexistencia de amplias libertades civiles y económicas junto a una estructura con rasgos centralizadores, con claro predominio del órgano ejecutivo como reaseguro contra las tendencias anárquicas.