903 resultados para Academy of Political Science (U.S.)


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Informe de la reunion sobre metodologia para la evaluacion de las capacidades nacionales en ciencia y tecnologia, realizada en Suriname, del 12 al 15 de octubre de 1981. Presenta un resumen de los debates, conclusiones y recomendaciones.

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This article aims to develop an index of political instability (ins) in Brazil between 1889 and 2009, reflecting a wide-ranging set of multiple phenomena that represent conflicts between the different social groups. By presenting different definitions of what is understood by political instability in the economics literature and by using multiple historical events —coups d’état, civil conflicts, constitutional or unconstitutional overthrow and changes in the composition of 50% of the ministerial cabinet— different indicators are obtained which are then synthesized into a single index using the principal component technique, to obtain an ins for Brazil between 1889 and 2009.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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A esclerose múltipla (EM) é uma doença inflamatória, autoimune, desmielinizante e degenerativa do sistema nervoso central. Estudos epidemiológicos têm identificado associações de hipovitaminose D com doenças autoimunes. O principal objetivo desta revisão é responder se há evidências que indiquem o uso terapêutico de vitamina D em monoterapia para pacientes com EM. Por meio dos sites PUBMED, EMBASE, LILACS e Scielo foram realizadas buscas usando os descritores “vitamin D”, e “multiple sclerosis” até 12/09/2013. Estudos clínicos randomizados, controlados e duplo-cegos foram selecionados para avaliar a resposta terapêutica da vitamina D na EM. Não foram encontradas evidências científicas que justifiquem o uso da vitamina D em monoterapia no tratamento da EM, na prática clínica.

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I consider Nixon’s essay a well thought discussion of the possibility of a genuine science of consciousness. Most of the sections are worth discussing, but to find the main message it may be necessary to read between the lines. The good news is that he does not present true impossibilities for this science, but his discussion leads to the (sound) conclusion that it would have to account for many unconscious factors that make us creative and human.

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In this work, an analysis of scientific bibliographic productivity was made using the Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciencias, Universidade Estadual Paulista (FFC-UNESP) as example. It is composed by nine departments which offer altogether nine undergraduate courses: 1) Archival, 2) Library, 3) Speech Therapy, 4) Pedagogy, 5) International Relations, 6) Physiotherapy, 7) Occupational Therapy, 8) Philosophy, 9) Social Sciences and six graduate programs leading to M. S. and Ph.D. degrees. Moreover, when analyzing the different courses of FFC-UNESP, they represent typical academic organization in Brazil and Latin America and could be taken as a model for analyzing other Brazilian research institutions. Using data retrieved from the Lattes Plataform database (Curriculum Lattes) we have quantitatively the scientific productivity percentage of professors at UNESP. We observed that bibliometric evaluations using the Curriculum Lattes (CL) showed that the professors published papers in journal are not indexed by ISI and SCOPUS. This analysis was made using: 1) the total number of papers (indexed in Curriculum Lattes database), 2) the number of papers indexed by Thomson ISI Web of Science database and SCOPUS database, and 3) the Hirsch (h-index) by ISI and SCOPUS. Bibliometric evaluations of departments showed a better performance of Political Science and Economics Department when compared to others departments, in relation total number of papers (indexed in Curriculum Lattes database). We also analyzed the academic advisory (Master's Thesis and Ph. D. Thesis) by nine departments of FFC/UNESP. The Administration and School Supervision Department presented a higher academic advisory (concluded and current) when compared to the others departments.

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Pt extended surfaces and nanoparticle electrodes are used to understand the origin of anomalous activities for electrocatalytic reactions in alkaline electrolytes as a function of cycling/time. Scanning tunneling microscopy (STM) of the surfaces before and after cycling in alkaline electrolytes was used to understand the morphology of the impurities and their impact on the catalytic sites. The nature of the contaminant species is identified as 3d-transition metal cations, and the formation of hydr(oxy)oxides of these elements is established as the main reason for the observed behavior. We find that, while for the oxygen reduction reaction (ORR) and the hydrogen oxidation reaction (HOR) the blocking of the sites by the undesired 3d-transition metal hydr(oxy)oxide species leads to deactivation of the reaction activities, the CO oxidation reaction and the hydrogen evolution reaction (HER) can have beneficial effects from the same impurities, the latter being dependent on the exact nature of the adsorbing species. These results show the significance of impurities present in real electrolytes and their impact on electrocatalysis.

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There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

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Abstract This dissertation investigates the notion of equivalence with particular reference to lexical cohesion in the translation of political speeches. Lexical cohesion poses a particular challenge to the translators of political speeches and thus preserving lexical cohesion elements as one of the major elements of cohesion is undoubtedly crucial to their translation equivalence. We rely on Halliday’s (1994) classification of lexical cohesion which comprises: repetition, synonymy, antonymy, meronymy and hyponymy. Other traditional models of lexical cohesion are examined. We include Grammatical Parallelism for its role in creating textual semantic unity which is what cohesion is all about. The study shed light on the function of lexical cohesion elements as rhetorical device. The study also deals with lexical problems resulting from the transfer of lexical cohesion elements from the SL into the TL, which is often beset by many problems that most often result from the differences between languages. Three key issues are identified as being fundamental to equivalence and lexical cohesion in the translation of political speeches: sociosemiotic approach, register analysis, rhetoric, and poetic function. The study also investigates the lexical cohesion elements in the translation of political speeches from English into Arabic, Italian and French in relation to ideology, and its control, through bias and distortion. The findings are discussed, implications examined and topics for further research suggested.

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A proposal for a virtual museum of computer science

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People tend to automatically mimic facial expressions of others. If clear evidence exists on the effect of non-verbal behavior (emotion faces) on automatic facial mimicry, little is known about the role of verbal behavior (emotion language) in triggering such effects. Whereas it is well-established that political affiliation modulates facial mimicry, no evidence exists on whether this modulation passes also through verbal means. This research addressed the role of verbal behavior in triggering automatic facial effects depending on whether verbal stimuli are attributed to leaders of different political parties. Study 1 investigated the role of interpersonal verbs, referring to positive and negative emotion expressions and encoding them at different levels of abstraction, in triggering corresponding facial muscle activation in a reader. Study 2 examined the role of verbs expressing positive and negative emotional behaviors of political leaders in modulating automatic facial effects depending on the matched or mismatched political affiliation of participants and politicians of left-and right-wing. Study 3 examined whether verbs expressing happiness displays of ingroup politicians induce a more sincere smile (Duchenne) pattern among readers of same political affiliation relative to happiness expressions of outgroup politicians. Results showed that verbs encoding facial actions at different levels of abstraction elicited differential facial muscle activity (Study 1). Furthermore, political affiliation significantly modulated facial activation triggered by emotion verbs as participants showed more congruent and enhanced facial activity towards ingroup politicians’ smiles and frowns compared to those of outgroup politicians (Study 2). Participants facially responded with a more sincere smile pattern towards verbs expressing smiles of ingroup compared to outgroup politicians (Study 3). Altogether, results showed that the role of political affiliation in modulating automatic facial effects passes also through verbal channels and is revealed at a fine-grained level by inducing quantitative and qualitative differences in automatic facial reactions of readers.