904 resultados para neo-liberal governmentality


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La trayectoria pública de Manuel Portela Valladares fue una de las más largas e intensas entre los políticos españoles de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Desde su elección como diputado por Fonsagrada en 1905 hasta su muerte en el exilio francés en 1952, fue protagonista o testigo de los acontecimientos más destacados de la política gallega y española. Durante su carrera desempeñó cargos de notable importancia (diputado en la Restauración y en la República, gobernador civil de Barcelona, fiscal del Tribunal Supremo, gobernador general de Cataluña, ministro de Fomento y de la Gobernación, presidente del Consejo de ministros en febrero de 1936) y defendió posiciones ideológicas aparentemente diversas: liberal, agrarista, monárquico, republicano, con simpatías autonomistas… De todas ellas fue el liberalismo la que definió su comportamiento durante sus cincuenta años de evolución política. A través del estudio de su vida y trayectoria pública, el objetivo de esta tesis es analizar la visión y el comportamiento de los viejos liberales en un momento de cambio crucial, aquel que supuso, en palabras de Eric Hobsbawm, el paso del “largo siglo XIX” al “corto siglo XX”, y conocer, así, cómo se adaptaron a la “edad de las catástrofes”. Partiendo de la comprensión de la historia como un proceso en el que convergen y se solapan las rupturas y las continuidades, se pretende dotar de contenido a esta frase con la intención de entender mejor lo que sucedió en un período tan decisivo y convulso como la Europa de entreguerras, en el que la democracia liberal vivió una crisis profunda al intentar procesar el cambio de escenario que supuso la incorporación de las “masas” al sistema político. Para ello y teniendo en cuenta las distinciones que establece el debate historiográfico, he optado por la elaboración de una biografía de contexto de tipo externo, es decir centrándome sobre todo en su dimensión pública y su trayectoria política con el objetivo de entender mejor el contexto histórico y sociopolítico en el que se inserta, aunque sin renunciar a intentar comprender su carácter y su personalidad en la medida en la que estos afectasen a su comportamiento como estadista.

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This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism. The narratives of three prominent post-feminist authors: Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce and Dr. Laura Schlessinger are used as examples of how identification works as a rhetorical device that motivates individual actors to join in a struggle against liberal and radical feminist ideologies. I argue that each author draws on classically liberal and politically conservative virtues to define a "true" feminism that is at odds with alternative feminist commitments. I demonstrate how these authors create a subject position of a "true feminist" that is reminiscent of the classically liberal suffragist. In Burkean terms, each author constitutes the suffragist as a friend and juxtaposes her with the enemy--modern liberal and radical feminists. I articulate the consequences of such dialectical portrayals of feminist activism and further suggest that these authors' visions of feminism reinforce patriarchal practices, urging women to assimilate into a classically liberal society at the cost of social justice. In opposition to their memories of feminism, I offer a radical democratic approach of remembering feminism that is less concerned with the definition of feminism or feminist than it is with holistically addressing oppression and what oppression means to subjugated populations.

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A lo largo del siglo XIX, la sociedad europea se vio sometida a una serie de cambios estructurales que variaron notablemente sus formas de vida, modificando sensiblemente las formas de acceso a la salud y la incidencia de la enfermedad. El carácter de emergencia que adquirieron estos problemas fue generando consciencia en los distintos agentes sociales sobre la necesidad de adecuar las nuevas formas de vida a los principios programáticos de la higiene, dotando así a la ciencia médica de un poder político y social nuevo, debido a su autoproclamada capacidad para reconducir esa situación de emergencia socio-sanitaria del modo más adecuado y eficiente. Nuestra investigación intenta mostrar las particularidades que tuvo ese desarrollo médico-social en la España liberal, si bien, limita su objeto principal al análisis del proceso de construcción teórica de la disciplina. Gracias al uso de fuentes médicas, hemos podido detectar que los fundamentos teóricos de la Medicina española estuvieron marcados por un profundo rechazo, o al menos por una adaptación crítica, de las fórmulas teóricas racionalistas que, desde la Ilustración, habían buscado ofrecer una solución fundamentalmente material los problemas sociales ligados con la enfermedad. Frente a esta posición, una parte mayoritaria de los médicos españoles se mantuvo ligada a unos principios científico-teóricos asistemáticos vinculados a la tradición filosófica y cultural católica previa, que les llevó a dirigir el avance de la disciplina, hacia la perfección del análisis de las causas morales de los procesos patológicos...

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This paper explores the significant influences of European liberalism, and in particular French liberalism, in the Chilean thought and political culture/praxis during the construction of the State in the mid-19th century. It reveals and discusses the significant circulation of ideas that an array of Chilean travelers and exiles in several European countries generated and promoted in Chile in the middle of the 19th century. Among the intellectuals and politicians treated by this article are Andrés Bello, Manuel Antonio Tocornal, Santiago Arcos, Francisco Bilbao, Manuel Antonio Matta and Ángel Custodio Gallo.

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Tese de doutoramento, Direito (Ciências Jurídico-Políticas), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Direito, 2016

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The groundbreaking scope of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and Cariforum (CF) irrefutably marks a substantive shift in trade relations between the regions and also has far-reaching implications across several sectors and levels. Supplementing the framework of analysis of Structural Foreign Policy (SFP) with neo-Gramscian theory allows for a thorough investigation into the details of structural embeddedness based on the EU's historic directionality towards the Caribbean region; notably, encouraging integration into the global capitalist economy by adapting to and adopting the ideals of neoliberal economics. Whilst the Caribbean – as the first and only signatory of a ‘full’ EPA – may be considered the case par excellence of the success of the EPAs, this paper demonstrates that there is no cause-effect relationship between the singular case of the ‘full’ CF-EU EPA and the success of the EPA policy towards the ACP in general. The research detailed throughout this paper responds to two SFP-based questions: (1) To what extent is the EPA a SFP tool aimed at influencing and shaping the structures in the Caribbean? (2) To what extent is the internalisation of this process reflective of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor vis-à-vis the Caribbean? This paper affirms both the role of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor and the EPA as a hegemonic SFP tool. Research into the negotiation, agreement and controversy that surrounds every stage of the EPA confirmed that through modern diplomacy and an evolution in relations, consensus is at the fore of contemporary EU-Caribbean relations. Whilst at once dealing with the singular case of the Caribbean, the author offers a nuanced approach beyond 'EU navel-gazing' by incorporating an ‘outside-in’ perspective, which thereafter could be applied to EU-ACP relations and the North-South dialogue in general.

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Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

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The European process is based on compromises; when it comes to selling them to national electorates, countries behave differently. France feels compelled to declare victory; Germany has more often chosen to stress the concessions that it made, adding that they were painful but necessary for the sake of ‘Europe’. The reality is very different. In this new EuropEos Commentary, Riccardo Perissich, Executive Vice-President of the Council for the United States and Italy, describes that European reality, in unambiguous terms.