888 resultados para government accountability


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Whether or not to consolidate financial statements is dealt with in IPSAS#6. This standard is by and large based on IAS#27. It deals with the criterion according to which an entity's financial statements should be considered and which consolidation technique should be used. However, it remains silent when it comes to exposing the reason why a public sector entity should consolidate its financial statements. The literature is almost as silent as IPSAS on this issue. Which means that there is a lack of both theoretical and empirical knowledge on this subject. This paper explores the usefulness of the consolidation of financial statements (CFS) for different categories of users. It aims at investigating for which purposes consolidation is most useful and whether enlarging the scope of the consolidate group serves these purposes. Five purposes are considered: information, decision- making, accountability, risk-assessment, statistics improvement. The paper also aims at investigating if some categories of users consider CFS more useful than others. The issue is essentially empirical. Therefore it is examined in light of the results of an in-person interviews. We surveyed 25members of parliament, officials, creditors, and consultants of the Swiss central government. The results show that consolidating FS is considered especially important and useful for risk- assessment, information and accountability and to a somewhat lesser extent for decision-making and statistics improvement. Extending the scope of CFS may improve the situation when it comes to statistics but it would only marginally make CFS more relevant for decision making. Consultants and, to a lesser extent, members of the finance ministry are those respondents who deem the scope enlargement to be the most useful.

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Tämän tutkimuksen päätavoitteena oli arvioida, voidaanko opetusministeriön vahvistamia opetustoimen yksikköhintoja pitää taloudellisuuden mittarina. Tutkimukseni kohdistui peruskoulun ja lukion valtionosuuden oppilaskohtaisiin laskennallisiin yksikköhintoihin ja musiikkiopiston muun koulutuksen ja työväenopiston opetustuntikohtaisiin laskennallisiin yksikköhintoihin. Julkinen talous pyrkii toiminnassaan myös mahdollisimman tehokkaisiin ja taloudellisiin ratkaisuihin. Toiminnan taloudellisuuden määrittämiseen tarvitaan mittareita ja vertailutietoa analysointia varten. Tutkimuksen tavoitteisiin pyrittiin toiminta-analyyttisellä tutkimusotteella, mutta siinä on nähtävissä myös käsiteanalyyttisiä piirteitä. Opetustoimen valtion rahoituksen muuttuessa laskennalliseksi, valtionhallinto kumosi vanhoja sääntöjä, puhuttiin ´normipurusta´. Aikaisempi valtionosuus perustui toteutuneisiin kustannuksiin. Uudistuksella haluttiin korostaa kuntien itsenäisyyttä, taloudellista omavastuisuutta ja tehokkuutta palvelujen järjestämisessä. Lisäksi kustannuksissa oletettiin syntyvän säätöjä, joiden oli määrä koitua kuntien hyväksi, kun valtionosuus ei määräytynyt hyväksyttyjen menojen mukaan. Taloudellisuus merkitsee yksikkökustannusten tunnistamista ja analysointia. Kunnan taloustavoitteita on pyrittävä mittaamaan tunnusluvuilla. Niille on asetettava hyväksyttävät tavoitearvot. Tunnuslukujen arvot eivät sellaisenaan kerro, miten hyvä tai huono toiminnan tulos on. Vasta niiden vertailu ja analysointi antavat kuvan tästä. Kuntien oppilaskohtainen yksikköhinta soveltuu hyvin peruskoulun ja lukion taloudellisuuden mittariksi. Samoin opetustuntikohtainen yksikköhinta musiikkiopiston ja kansalaisopiston taloudellisuuden mittariksi. Kuntien keskinäinen kustannusvertailu ja analysointi antavat hyvän pohjan löytää kustannusten taloudellisuuden taso.

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Regulation has in many cases been delegated to independent agencies, which has led to the question of how democratic accountability of these agencies is ensured. There are few empirical approaches to agency accountability. We offer such an approach, resting upon three propositions. First, we scrutinize agency accountability both de jure (accountability is ensured by formal rights of accountability 'fora' to receive information and impose consequences) and de facto (the capability of fora to use these rights depends on resources and decision costs that affect the credibility of their sanctioning capacity). Second, accountability must be evaluated separately at political, operational and managerial levels. And third, at each level accountability is enacted by a system of several (partially) interdependent fora, forming together an accountability regime. The proposed framework is applied to the case of the German Bundesnetzagentur's accountability regime, which shows its suitability for empirical purposes. Regulatory agencies are often considered as independent, yet accountable. This article provides a realistic framework for the study of accountability 'regimes' in which they are embedded. It emphasizes the need to identify the various actors (accountability fora) to which agencies are formally accountable (parliamentary committees, auditing bodies, courts, and so on) and to consider possible relationships between them. It argues that formal accountability 'on paper', as defined in official documents, does not fully account for de facto accountability, which depends on the resources possessed by the fora (mainly information-processing and decision-making capacities) and the credibility of their sanctioning capacities. The article applies this framework to the German Bundesnetzagentur.

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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.

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Accountability and transparency are of growing importance in contemporary governance. The academic literature have broadly studied the two concepts separately, defining and redefining them, and including them into various framework, sometimes mistakenly using them as synonyms. The relationship between the two concepts has, curiously, only been studied by a few scholars with preliminary approaches. This theoretical paper will focus on both concepts, trying first to describe them taking into account the various evolutions in the literature and the recent evolutions as well as the first attempts to link the two concepts. In order to show a new approach linking the concepts, four cases from the Swiss context will be portrayed and will demonstrate the necessity to reconsider the relationship between transparency and accountability. Consequently, a new framework, based on Fox's framework (2007) will be presented and theoretically delimited.

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This dissertation argues that the Government of the People’s Republic of China, when it made the decision to import a quota of Hollywood films in 1994 to revive the failing domestic film industry, had different possible criteria in mind. This project has studied four of them: first, importing films that gave a negative image of the United States; second, importing films that featured Chinese talent or themes; third, importing films that were box office hits in the United States; and fourth, importing films with a strong technological innovation ingredient. In order to find out the most important criteria for the Chinese Government, this dissertation offers a dataset that analyzes a population of 262 Hollywood films released in the PRC between 1994 and 2010. For each unit, a method has been developed to compile data that will determine whether the film reflects any of the four criteria, and findings in the form of yearly percentages have been drawn. Results show that, out of the four studied criteria, the two predominant reasons for China to import films were technological innovation and box office hits. This tells us that, at this point, the Chinese Government shows more interest in obtaining big revenues and learning from technically innovative American films than in delivering underlying political messages. This dissertation contributes to the existing literature by analyzing the content of all the films imported by China between 1994 and 2010, while integrating in the analysis variables based on the existing knowledge.

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In a 2000 report entitled "Trust in government. Ethics measures in OECD countries," OECD Secretary-General Donald J. Johnston emphasized the fact that public ethics are considered as a keystone of good governance. Moreover, public ethics are a prerequisite to public trust, which is in turn vital not only to any public service, but also to any society in general. At the same time, transparency reforms have flourished over the last few years and have several times been designed as a response to public distrust. Therefore, ethics, transparency and trust are closely linked together in a supposed virtuous circle where transparency works as a factor of better public ethics and leads to more trust in government on the citizens' side. This article explores the links between transparency and levels of trust in 10 countries between 2007 and 2014, using open data indexes and access to information requests as proxies for transparency. A national ranking of transparency, based on requests submitted by citizens to the administration and open data indexes, is then proposed. Key findings show that there is no sharp decline of trust in government in all countries considered in this article, and that transparency and trust in government are not systematically positively associated. Therefore, this article challenges the common assumption, mostly found in the normative literature, about a positive interrelation between the two, where trust in government is conceived as a beneficial effect of administrative transparency.

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Accountability and transparency are of growing importance in contemporary governance. The academic literature have broadly studied the two concepts separately, defining and redefining them, and including them into various framework, sometimes mistakenly using them as synonyms. The relationship between the two concepts has, curiously, only been studied by a few scholars with preliminary approaches. This theoretical paper will focus on both concepts, trying first to describe them taking into account the various evolutions in the literature and the recent evolutions as well as the first attempts to link the two concepts. In order to show a new approach linking the concepts, four cases from the Swiss context will be portrayed and will demonstrate the necessity to reconsider the relationship between transparency and accountability. Consequently, a new framework, based on Fox's framework (2007) will be presented and theoretically delimited.

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Past studies on the personnel selection demonstrated that a supervisor's advice to discriminate can lead to compliant behaviours. This study had the aim to extend past findings by examining what can overcome the powerful influence of the hierarchy. 50 Swiss managers participated to an in-basket exercise. The main task was to evaluate Swiss candidates (in-group) and foreigners (out-groups: Spanish and Kosovo Albanians) and to select two applicants for a job interview. Main results were the effect of codes of conduct to prevent discrimination against out-group applicants in the presence of a supervisor's advice to prefer in-group members. But, when participants were accountable to an audience, this beneficial effect disappears because participants followed the supervisor's advice. The second aim was to assess if the difference in responses between participants was related to their difference in moral attentiveness. Results showed some significant relationships but not always in the direction expected.