887 resultados para Women s political participation
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The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of an HIV-screening program at a private health-care institution where the providers were trained to counsel pregnant women about the HIV-antibody test according to the latest recommendations made by the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) and the Texas legislature. A before-and-after study design was selected for the study. The participants were OB/GYN nurses who attended an educational program and the patients they counseled about the HIV test. Training improved the nurses' overall knowledge about the content of the program and nurses were more likely to offer the HIV test to all pregnant women regardless of their risk of infection. Still, contrary to what was predicted, the nurses did not give more information to increase the knowledge pregnant women had about HIV infection, transmission, and available treatments. Consequently, many women were not given the chance to correctly assess their risk during the counseling session and there was no evidence that knowledge would reduce the propensity of many women to deny being at risk for HIV. On the other hand, pregnant women who received prenatal care after the implementation of the HIV-screening program were more likely to be tested than women who received prenatal care before its implementation (96% vs. 48%); in turn, the likelihood that more high-risk women would be tested for HIV also increased (94% vs. 60%). There was no evidence that mandatory testing with right of refusal would deter women from being tested for HIV. When the moment comes for a woman to make her decision, other concerns are more important to her than whether the option to be tested is mandatory or not. The majority of pregnant women indicated that their main reasons for being tested were: (a) the recommendation of their health-care provider; and (b) concern about the risks to their babies. Recommending that all pregnant women be tested regardless of their risk of infection, together with making the HIV test readily available to all women, are probably the two best ways of increasing the patients' participation in an HIV-screening program for pregnant women. ^
La institucionalización del enfoque de género en las políticas públicas a nivel del desarrollo local
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Al proponer este tema estamos tratando de realizar un análisis de los principales aspectos teóricos que se han debatido, tanto a nivel de la sociedad, como de la Academia y del Estado, a lo largo del proceso de incorporación de la temática de las mujeres en las Políticas Públicas. Se busca establecer una relación entre los postulados teóricos propuestos desde diferentes fuentes (Organismos Internacionales, Organizaciones Feministas, Movimientos de Mujeres, Foros de Mujer y Desarrollo de Mercociudes, etc.) y su efectiva incorporación en las Políticas Públicas llevadas adelante en la Argentina, en el ámbito nacional, provincial y municipal. También investigamos, analizamos y evaluamos las Políticas Públicas dirigidas a las mujeres en los últimos cinco años en algunos municipios. Así mismo desarrollamos, justificamos y promovemos la necesidad de Institucionalizar el Enfoque de Género en todos los niveles de gobierno, fundamentalmente, a nivel de las competencias de las instituciones que tienen que ver con el desarrollo local. Para este caso y en general, para los países latinoamericanos, la unidad de análisis la constituye el Municipio, que está directamente relacionado con los problemas administrativos y de planificación de políticas públicas orientadas a dicho nivel. Simultáneamente se determinan las fortalezas, los aspectos que favorecen, como las debilidades, los aspectos que obstaculizan, el proceso de institucionalización del género. En ese mismo sentido se desarrollan tareas de capacitación en Género para todos los involucrados en el proceso de investigación-acción.
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El propósito de este trabajo es investigar los motivos, anhelos, sueños, deseos que llevan a un grupo de entre 20 y 25 ex presos políticos a reunirse semanalmente en el local del sindicato Luz y Fuerza, Córdoba. Optamos por entrevistar a quienes daban la sensación de ser más participativos o más explícitos, en la elección procuramos que hubiesen casi por igual miembros de las dos organizaciones mayoritarias en el pasado: Montoneros y Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores. El celo a la hora de elegir se entronca con las subculturas que emergieron de las organizaciones. Otro aspecto observado es la cuestión de género, mujeres y hombres, equitativamente incorporados, se constituyeron en narradores.2 En la ciudad mediterránea hubo alrededor de dos mil detenidos por causas políticas a partir de la dictadura que iniciara Jorge Rafael Videla. La curiosidad social es acicateada por el número exiguo de ex-represaliados que constituyen la comisión de presos políticos, que entre otras tareas peticiona ante las autoridades solicitando reivindicaciones a raíz de su condición de ex detenidos, organizan eventos sociales y políticos, gestionan los ex centros de detención convertidos en "museos de la memoria", impulsan los juicios contra los ex represores, editan publicaciones. Concurrimos a las reuniones semanales, a asados, "locreadas"; empleamos en las investigaciones la observación participante. La participación se dio en eventos, en compartir ruedas de mate en la casa de los entrevistados, íntimas ruedas de café, por un fenómeno de indexicalidad en relación con el discurso ideológico pudimos avanzar en la profundidad de la conversación. Además, de las entrevistas en profundidad, analizamos material periodístico y material escrito por los detenidos; cuando la emoción del entrevistado dificultaba la conversación, en algunos casos nos remitieron a elaboraciones suyas sobre la situación planteada.. Nos favoreció, en el trabajo, el hecho de haber participado en la vida política, y el tener familiares que lucharon junto a los ex-represaliados. A pesar de ello no fue fácil llegar a subjetividades que hacía largo tiempo se hallaban abroqueladas. Mead e Erving Goffman nos acompañaron en el camino de reconocimiento de los selfs en la dramaturgia montada en el local de Luz y Fuerza
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El propósito de este trabajo es investigar los motivos, anhelos, sueños, deseos que llevan a un grupo de entre 20 y 25 ex presos políticos a reunirse semanalmente en el local del sindicato Luz y Fuerza, Córdoba. Optamos por entrevistar a quienes daban la sensación de ser más participativos o más explícitos, en la elección procuramos que hubiesen casi por igual miembros de las dos organizaciones mayoritarias en el pasado: Montoneros y Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores. El celo a la hora de elegir se entronca con las subculturas que emergieron de las organizaciones. Otro aspecto observado es la cuestión de género, mujeres y hombres, equitativamente incorporados, se constituyeron en narradores.2 En la ciudad mediterránea hubo alrededor de dos mil detenidos por causas políticas a partir de la dictadura que iniciara Jorge Rafael Videla. La curiosidad social es acicateada por el número exiguo de ex-represaliados que constituyen la comisión de presos políticos, que entre otras tareas peticiona ante las autoridades solicitando reivindicaciones a raíz de su condición de ex detenidos, organizan eventos sociales y políticos, gestionan los ex centros de detención convertidos en "museos de la memoria", impulsan los juicios contra los ex represores, editan publicaciones. Concurrimos a las reuniones semanales, a asados, "locreadas"; empleamos en las investigaciones la observación participante. La participación se dio en eventos, en compartir ruedas de mate en la casa de los entrevistados, íntimas ruedas de café, por un fenómeno de indexicalidad en relación con el discurso ideológico pudimos avanzar en la profundidad de la conversación. Además, de las entrevistas en profundidad, analizamos material periodístico y material escrito por los detenidos; cuando la emoción del entrevistado dificultaba la conversación, en algunos casos nos remitieron a elaboraciones suyas sobre la situación planteada.. Nos favoreció, en el trabajo, el hecho de haber participado en la vida política, y el tener familiares que lucharon junto a los ex-represaliados. A pesar de ello no fue fácil llegar a subjetividades que hacía largo tiempo se hallaban abroqueladas. Mead e Erving Goffman nos acompañaron en el camino de reconocimiento de los selfs en la dramaturgia montada en el local de Luz y Fuerza
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Historically, the authority to conclude international treaties was exclusively exercised by administrative bodies (or the chief of state). However, recent studies pointed out that the present legislative bodies have come to play a more active role through ratification or the review of treaties in European and American countries. Harrington (2005) studied judicial reform in British dominions and criticized the past executive-dominant treaty-making process as a “democratic deficit” due to a fear that under this system the nation might be bound by international agreements for which a consensus had not been obtained. These studies indicated that people’s participation in the treaty-making process has increased on a global basis, but neither of them provides sufficient descriptive evidence regarding why and how such procedures were established. The present paper therefore attempts to solve these questions by analyzing the legislative and political process of the treaty-making procedure reform in Thailand’s 2007 constitution as a case study.
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Today's knowledge society is creating increasingly competitive environments in which cognitive factors, creativity, knowledge and information determine the success of organizations. In this context the exercise of management and leadership is essential to achieve objectives, goals and relationships. Both concepts have been historically associated with the male domain because of the underrepresentation of women in managerial positions. However, the increasing participation of women in the workplace has led to the development of an extensive literature on the possible existence of differences between the styles of male and female leadership, although it has not been addressed from the analysis of competences associated with each sex. Through a participatory process the abilities and skills associated with women managers are analyzed, the differences in leadership styles and the barriers that still exist for the promotion of women into management positions. The results indicate that women particularly value the skills associated with human relationships, the female leadership style tends to be transformational and that there are still barriers to their advancement to management positions.
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The exercise of management and leadership are key aspects to achieve objectives, goals and relationships in the current knowledge society marked by increasingly competitive environments in which cognitive factors, creativity, knowledge and information determine the success of organizations. Both concepts have been historically associated with the male domain because of the underrepresentation of women in managerial positions. However, the increasing participation of women in the workplace has led to the development of an extensive literature on the possible existence of differences between the styles of male and female leadership, although it has not been addressed from the analysis of competences associated with each sex. Through a participatory process the abilities and skills related to women managers are analyzed and the differences in leadership styles. The results indicate that women particularly value the skills associated with human relationships, and that female leadership style tends to be transformational.
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Os ideais de liberdade exigiram do povo negro diferenciadas práticas para romper com o sistema escravista. Eram as rebeliões em navios, os atos de infanticídio, os justiçamentos dos feitores, as revoltas, além de participações em movimentos libertários e formações de quilombos. Dentre estas formas de organização, o quilombo foi fenômeno essencial nos mais de 300 anos de escravismo no Brasil. Em cada região existiam quilombos, pois para a população negra, cativa ou não, esse era o melhor meio de alcançar a liberdade, um meio coletivo para enfrentar o sistema. O Quilombo do Urubu representou a insistência em garantir a condição humana que o regime escravista negava, sobretudo às mulheres, aos homens e às crianças negras. Essa era uma força que saía de suas entranhas como grito de liberdade, configurada nas fugas em busca de um lugar que lhes assegurasse aproximação de uma vida digna e que pudessem orgulhar-sedo seu porte físico e da sua cultura. Todo esse desprendimento, além de uma força física, exigia um completo conhecimento histórico e espiritual, resguardado pela religiosidade que fortalecia seus espíritos para lutar contra toda negação de humanidade do século XIX no subúrbio da capital baiana. A líder Zeferina, inconformada com a exclusão social de seu povo negro, e entusiasmada pelo poder de herança de ancestralidade, pelo conhecimento de raiz da cultura matrilinear angolana, pelo profundo conhecimento histórico de resistência da rainha Nzinga Mbandi e pela tradição de quilombolas e guerreiras, viveu e lutou pelo sonho de liberdade. Hoje, a chama desse poder é mantida acesa na caminhada de celebração do 20 de novembro pela comunidade de Pirajá e arredores, enquanto referencial de resistência negra na luta contra as exclusões sociais vigentes.(AU)
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O consumidor contemporâneo, inserido em um novo ambiente de comunicação, potencializa suas expressões, capaz de avaliar uma marca ou produto e transmitir sua opinião pelas redes sociais, ou seja, o consumidor expressa suas opiniões e desejos dialogando com seus pares de forma espontânea nas redes sociais on-line. É neste ambiente de participação e interação (ciberespaço) que está nosso objeto de estudo, o boca a boca on-line – a voz do consumidor contemporâneo, também conhecido como uma manifestação informativa pessoal ou uma conversa, a opinion sharing. Proporcionado pelos consumidores nas redes sociais on-line, o boca a boca se fortalece em função das possibilidades de interação, característica da sociedade em rede. Nesse cenário, oobjetivo desta pesquisa é caracterizar o boca a boca on-line como um novo fluxo comunicacional entre consumidores, hoje potencializado pelas novas tecnologias da comunicação, capazes de alterar a percepção da marca e demonstrar o uso, pelas marcas, das redes sociais on-line ainda como um ambiente de comunicação unidirecional. Mediante três casos selecionados por conveniência (dois casos nacionais e um internacional), o corpus de análise de nossa pesquisa se limitou aos 5.084 comentários disponibilizados após publicação de matérias jornalísticas no Portal G1 e nas fanpages (Facebook), ambos relativos aos casos selecionados. Com a Análise de Conteúdo dos posts, identificamos e categorizamos a fala do consumidor contemporâneo, sendo assim possível comprovar que as organizações/marcas se valem da cultura do massivo, não dialogando com seus consumidores, pois utilizam as redes sociais on-line ainda de forma unidirecional, além de não darem a devida atenção ao atual fluxo onde se evidencia a opinião compartilhada dos consumidores da sociedade em rede.
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This paper will explore how white privilege has been intertwined with the women's liberation movement in the United States. Feminism and its goals are described briefly and linked to an evaluation of white privilege within the movement. The feminist movement is explored throughout its three waves, including a class and race analysis of each separate period. In addition, this analysis focuses on how Black and Chicana women have been excluded from the mainstream, White, middle-class movement. Through the use of Social Dominance Theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), the prevalence and impact of oppression and hierarchy are explored. The implications of oppression and exclusion in the current political climate are followed by suggestions for aligning the goals and direction of feminism with social justice.
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This study aimed to determine if legislation on violence against women (VAW) worldwide contains key components recommended by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) and the United Nations (UN) to help strengthen VAW prevention and provide better integrated victim protection, support, and care. A systematic search for VAW legislation using international legal databases and other electronic sources plus data from previous research identified 124 countries/territories with some type of VAW legislation. Full legal texts were found for legislation from 104 countries/territories. Those available in English, Portuguese, and Spanish were downloaded and compiled and the selection criteria applied (use of any of the common terms related to VAW, including intimate partner violence (IPV), and reference to at least two of six sectors (education, health, judicial system, mass media, police, and social services) with regard to VAW interventions (protection, support, and care). A final sample from 80 countries/territories was selected and analyzed for the presence of key components recommended by PAHO and the UN (reference to the term "violence against women" in the title; definitions of different types of VAW; identification of women as beneficiaries; and promotion of (reference to) the participation of multiple sectors in VAW interventions). Few countries/territories specifically identified women as the beneficiaries of their VAW legislation, including those that labeled their legislation "domestic violence" law ( n = 51), of which only two explicitly mentioned women as complainants/survivors. Only 28 countries/territories defined the main forms of VAW (economic, physical, psychological, and sexual) in their VAW legislation. Most highlighted the role of the judicial system, followed by that of social services and the police. Only 28 mentioned the health sector. Despite considerable efforts worldwide to strengthen VAW legislation, most VAW laws do not incorporate the key recommended components. Significant limitations were found in the legislative content, its application, and the extent to which it provided women with integrated protection, support, and care. In developing new VAW legislation, policymakers should consider the vital role of health services.
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Participation trends in 6-hour ultra-marathons held word-wide were investigated to gain basic demographic data on 6-hour ultra-marathoners and where these races took place. Participation trends and the association between nationality and race performance were investigated in all 6-hour races held worldwide between 1991 and 2010. Participation increased linearly in both women and men across years. The annual number of finishes was significantly higher in men than in women (P=0.013). The male-to-female ratio remained stable at ~4 since 1991. Runners in age group 45-49 years showed the largest increase in participation for both men (800 participants in 18 years) and women (208 participants in 16 years). Europe attracted most of the runners from other continents (166 runners), more than all other continents combined (55 runners). European runners also showed the best top ten performances (73±3 km for women and 77±11 km for men), while African (with 65±9 km for men) and South American (54±4 km for women and 65±2 km for men) runners showed the weakest. To summarize, participation in 6-hour ultra-marathons increased across years. Most of the development took place in Europe and in athletes in the age group 45-49 years. Europe also attracted the most diverse field of athletes with runners from all other continents. European runners accounted for the most runners and achieved the best top ten performances.
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by Josephine C. Goldmark.
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The Habitats Directive has created a European network of protected areas combining environmental protection with social and economic activities. Although not clearly advocated in the Directive, participatory approaches have incrementally emerged in order to ensure an adequate management of the Natura 2000 network. This paper looks at the reasons why the European Commission on one side and the national/local authorities on the other side chose to engage in participatory approaches and assesses the structure, degree and scope of these approaches in the light of input and output legitimacy. Main findings are that participation was mostly implemented as a reaction to conflicts and out of a concern over policy implementation, two elements that continue to drive the philosophy of the Natura 2000 network‘s management. The limits of participation in Brussels are contrasted with the potential for more genuine and effective participation mechanisms on the field.
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The article describes and assesses the role of national parliaments in EU legislation considering the reforms introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. This is closely connected with the understanding and (political) application of the principle of subsidiarity. After an analysis of the possibilities and limitations of the relevant legal regulations in the post-Lisbon age, alternative ways for participation of national legislators on the European level are being scrutinized and proposed. The issue of democratic legitimization is also interconnected with the current political reforms being discussed in order to overcome the Euro Crisis. Finally, the authors argue that it does not make sense to include national parliaments in the existing legislative triangle of the EU, but instead to promote the creation of a new kind of supervisory body.