803 resultados para Women in the civil service


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Rheumatoid and juvenile idiopathic arthritis (RA, JIA) are chronic inflammatory arthropathies with polygenic autoimmune background. We analysed the IL-4 +33 C/T and IL-4R Q551R single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in 294 RA, 72 JIA and 165 controls from Northern Ireland. Analysis of the individual phenotypes (RA or JIA) showed that both the IL-4 +33 TT (P = 0.02; OR: 0.25, 95% CI: 0.07-0.87) and the IL-4R Q551R CC genotypes (P = 0.001; OR: 0.19, 95% CI: 0.06-0.56) were exclusively decreased in female RA patients compared to female controls. Similar non-significant trends were observed in female JIA patients (OR: 0.25, 95% CI: 0.03-2.11 and OR: 0.31, 95% CI: 0.07-1.47, respectively). Analysis of the common phenotype (inflammatory arthropathy; i.e. JIA and RA combined) corroborated the unique association of these polymorphisms with female inflammatory arthropathy (P = 0.013 and 0.002, respectively). This is the first demonstration of sex-specific association of the two foremost genes of the IL-4 signalling cascade with chronic inflammatory arthropathies.

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Background: In many countries current recommendations are that women take a daily 400ug folic acid supplement, from before conception until the end of the 12th week of gestation, for the prevention of neural tube defects. Low folate status is associated with an elevated concentration of plasma total homocysteine (tHcy), a risk factor that is associated with pregnancy complications such as pre-eclampsia. Methods: In a longitudinal study, tHcy and corresponding folate status were determined in 101 pregnant women at 12, 20 and 35 weeks of gestation, in 35 non-pregnant control subjects sampled conconcurrently, and in a subgroup (n=21 pregnant, 19 non-pregnant women) at 3 days post-partum. Results: Plasma tHcy concentrations were significantly lower throughout pregnancy compared with control subjects, with values lowest in the 2nd trimester before increasing toward non-pregnant values in the 3rd trimester. Importantly, tHcy concentrations were lower in pregnant women taking folic acid supplements compared to those not, an effect which reached significance in the 3rd trimester (5.25 umol/l v 6.89 umol/l, P <0.05). Furthermore, during the 3rd trimester, tHcy concentrations were significantly higher in pregnant women with a history of miscarriage compared to those with no previous history (7.32 umol/l v 5.62 u­mol/l, P <0.01). Conclusion: This is the first longitudinal study to show that homocysteine levels rise in late pregnancy towards non-pregnant levels; a rise which can be limited by enhancing folate status through continued folic acid supplementation. These results indicate a potential role for continued folic acid supplementation in reducing pregnancy complications associated with hyperhomocysteinaemia.

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This article examines the meaning of respect in the interpersonal relationships within Her Majesty’s Prison Service. It is argued that respect-as-esteem and respect-asconsideration are often confused and unequally emphasised in modern society. This confusion is especially evident within the prison context where, due to the prison service’s ‘decency agenda’, the respectful treatment of inmates has become a topical issue. What does respect mean in prison? Why is it important? How can respectful relationships be established between staff and inmates? This article discusses these questions and proposes that there are different forms of respect possible between people. It is argued that there needs to be a recognition of the nuances of meaning when we use the word respect and that ‘respect-as-consideration’ may be the form of respect most consistently achievable, at the present time, within interpersonal relationships in English and Welsh prisons.

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Caught between the well-armed imaginations of paramilitary organisations competing for the hearts and minds of a divided population, and state engineering of a liberal peace, civil society's impact on Northern Ireland's identity politics was limited during the thirty-year conflict. Specifically, the community and voluntary sector itself has tended to replicate as much as it challenged patterns of segregation in many of its own structures. With plans set out in the Northern Ireland Executive's Programme for Government (2008-11) to engage civil society in opening a new era of ‘good relations’ work to counter sectarianism and racism, civil society organisations will face a complex terrain, facing scepticism about their contribution to peace-making before the Good Friday Agreement, and working in a post-Agreement environment marked by continuing elite and communal antagonism demonstrated by the crisis at the turn of 2009 over devolution of justice and policing powers to the Northern Ireland Executive. A significant aspect of the resolution was a belated agreement by Sinn Fein and the DUP on a new community relation strategy, Cohesion, Sharing and Integration. This article suggests that civil society has a significant role to play in encouraging communities to confront the contradictions and tensions that continue to haunt the political architects of the Good Friday Agreement by affirming a radical and contingent vision of democracy as democratisation at a distance from the identity-saturated politics of the state-region of Northern Ireland. It draws on the work of Simon Critchley, Emmanuel Levinas and Wendy Brown, to offer an approach to identity politics in post-conflict Northern Ireland, focusing on the future orientation of civil society.

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The successful career of Dean Mahomet (1759-1851) as a migrant from India to Ireland (and later, England) has led to scholarly and popular interest in his work. His Travels through several parts of India in the Service of the Honourable East India Company (1794) published by subscription in Cork is reputedly the first English book by an Indian, and has been seen to counterbalance the many accounts of India by western travellers, and to assert, in autobiographical form, his identity as an Indian in 1790s Ireland. My paper analyses this text in relation to moral and economic criticisms of the East India Company in the eighteenth century, and in particular to legislation of 1793 which defined the role of the Company in Ireland’s trade with the east. These aspects of colonial politics involving Ireland and India as subject nations of Britain are shown to shape Mahomet’s discursive strategies and the complex identity produced in his text.