Mobilising of the German 1848 Protest Song Tradition in the Context of International Twentieth Century Folk Revivals

The rediscovery of democratic traditions of folk song in Germany after the Second World War was not just the counter-reaction of singers and academics to the misuse of German folk song by the Nazis. Such a shift to a more ‘progressive’ interpretation and promotion of folk tradition at that time was not distinct to Germany and had already taken place in other parts of the Western world. After firstly examining the relationship between folk song and national ideologies in the nineteenth century, this article will focus on the democratic ideological basis on which the 1848 revolutionary song tradition was reconstructed after the Third Reich. It will look at how the New Social Movements of West Germany and the folk scene of the GDR functioned in providing channels of transmission for this, and how in this process a collective cultural memory was created whereby lost songs – such as those of the 1848 Revolution – could be awakened from extinction. These processes will be illustrated by textual and musical adaptations of key 1848 songs such as ‘Badisches Wiegenlied’ (Baden Lullaby), ‘Das Blutgericht’ (The Blood Court) and ‘Trotz alledem’ (For all that) within the context of the West German folk movement and its counterpart in the GDR.

Extractivism and the de jure and de facto ethno-territorial rights in Latin America: How important are the constitutions? : Extractivismo y derechos étnico-territoriales de jure y de facto en Latinoamérica: ¿Cuán importantes son las constituciones?

A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

Feminista Frequencies: Tuning In to Chicana Radio Activism in the Pacific Northwest, 1975-1990

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Monsters Take to the Streets! Monstrous Street-Art as Pedagogy of Resistance to Post-Olympic Regeneration in Hackney Wick?

This chapter explores geographies of gentrification and resistance in relation to the monstrous through the lens of street-art in post-Olympic London. It takes as a geographic case study Hackney Wick, which has for a long time been a bastion of alternative and creative living due to cheap rents in large, ex-industrial warehouse spaces. The artistic sociality of the area is imbued within its landscape, as prolific street artists have adorned ex-industrial warehouses and canal-side walls with graffiti and murals. Since the announcement of the 2012 Olympic Games, the area has been a site of intense political and aesthetic contestation. The post-Olympic legacy means that the area has been earmarked for redevelopment, with current residents facing the possibility of joining thousands already displaced by the games. The anxiety of dispossession is reflected by monstrous characters and sinister disembodied teeth, eyes and fingers embedded within the landscape, painted by local artists. Using geographically sensitive mobile and visual methodology to document the landscape and artwork, the chapter analyses and interprets the monstrous themes using a range of theorists including Mikhail Bakhtin, Georges Bataille and Nick Land. I argue that monstrous street-art lays visible claim to public territory for aesthetic purposes at odds with the visions of redevelopers and the needs of capital. Whilst street-art and graffiti do not fit easily within frameworks of organized political resistance or collective social movements, they operate as a kind of epistemological transgression that triggers transformative affects in the viewer. This creates conditions for pedagogies of resistance to gentrification by expressing and mobilizing political affects such as anger and anxiety, raising awareness of geographical politics, and encouraging the viewer to question the status quo of the built environment.

De repente, tudo mudou de lugar: refletindo sobre metamorfose urbana e gentrificação em Mossoró-RN

This study aims at solidifying the theoretical bases to provide, above all, an explanation for this phenomenon which currently happens, with a scenario of social, political, economic and cultural transformations worldwide in medium cities. Nevertheless, because it has different dimensions from its transformation axes, gentrification comes with change, but also with the introduction of a new purpose in the space using and occupation, outlining in this context the identity of places from the formation of centralities with the presence of flows with social and economic dynamicsThe current forms of geographic space appropriation show the directions of the senses and ideological profile which recreates the meanings and uses of content and materials from descriptions of a historical past. However, today there is an economic context in the urban space which refers to a search of strategies for change, i.e., the acquisition of parameter aimed at meeting the demands of the relationship between capital and labor, which ends up overriding some actions for the specification of the transformation methods within the urban space to be explained by new needs and also by the agents from the value adding to their interests and investments. Thus, we assume that the appreciation/gentrification of urban spaces may or may not result from the building of a public space, since the dialogic structure as a place of political interaction externalize conflicts and disagreements in general; it keeps segregating spaces. As new spaces are transformed, the access to them tends to happen with particular restriction, whereas some places like parks, shopping malls, high-rise and horizontal condos are the scene for major professional and family events. In this context, the gentrification process is used to designate interventions in the urban environment, in certain city spaces which are considered central to public and private investments. A historical place is permitted to be presented as a scenario, a stage full of attractions, through the transformation process. Studying gentrification consists of an analysis of the underlying interests in the transformation of these areas, and especially of the assessment of the interest level in the private sector to partner in order to modify the landscape. Gentrification results from the transformation processes of capital, which influences the efforts and investments application in order to establish and achieve optimal economic growth, focusing on a location socio-culturally centered in the urban space. Thus, the urban social structure develops in the light of some questions that relate not only the cities growth but also environmental conditions it provides in cities like Mossoro, State of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil 2005 a 2011.

Flores de energia: a experiência do NEMA - Núcleo de Educação e Monitoramento Ambiental na constituição de intelectuais orgânicos

Este estudo visa compreender a experiência do NEMA – Núcleo de Educação e Monitoramento Ambiental na constituição de intelectuais orgânicos. A pesquisa busca identificar por meio de relatos das pessoas que formaram e formam o NEMA, bem como da trajetória que o Núcleo vem desenhando no cenário ambiental, como esse espaço constitui intelectuais orgânicos. O conceito de intelectuais orgânicos partiu de Antonio Gramsci (1882 – 1937), que desponta como um dos grandes teóricos da teoria social marxista. Para Gramsci o intelectual é mais do que uma pessoa das letras, ou um produtor e transmissor de ideias. Os intelectuais são também mediadores, legitimadores, e produtores de práticas sociais; eles cumprem uma função de natureza eminentemente política. Este aspecto interessa uma vez que o NEMA surgiu nesse movimento de resistir ao conhecimento e práticas sufocantes que constituem nossas práticas sociais. Intelectuais transformadores que aglutinam outros, a fim de romper com a opressão, fornecendo dessa forma a liderança da ética, da política e da pedagogia para a criticidade da realidade. A pesquisa com base qualitativa permitiu estabelecer os referenciais teóricos, a pesquisa em documentos e outras formas de informação e a apropriação da Análise Textual Discursiva – ATD para organizar o corpus por meio dos relatos de 30 pessoas que tiveram a experiência do NEMA. Os resultados possibilitam afirmar que os intelectuais orgânicos do NEMA se constituem em Ondas, isto é passam de uma reflexão sobre si mesmo – Quem eu sou?, estabelece uma relação de pertencimento com o lugar que atuam – O lugar onde vivemos, lidam com uma diversidade de pessoas, instituições e situações – Biodiversidade, estabelecem diálogos e se fazem representar em espaços de discussão – Biosfera e Ecologia e buscam a continuidade de suas ações por meio de novos projetos – Planejamento Ambiental. O estudo vislumbra que a experiência do NEMA contribua na vanguarda da construção dialógica do saber com os movimentos sociais para que estes saberes possam ser implementados na práxis destes movimentos, no fronte da relação natureza e sociedade.

La identidad latinoamericana: una perspectiva desde las clases sociales

Se analizan las identidades latinoamericanas desde un enfoque de las clases y de la lucha de clases, situándose más allá de la bipolaridad clásica burguesía-proletariado y se incorporan una visión heterogénea de las clases sociales. En este debate se articulan dos lógicas elementales: la de la explotación y la de la opresión /dominación que, al vincular los fundamentos de clase con los étnicos, dan un perfil y una resiliencia de lucha particular al continente, que quizás no ocurre en otra región del mundo. La tesis sustentada es que la lucha de clases continúa, mediante movimientos sociales que luchan por diversas reivindicaciones y que asumen el papel de “nuevo sujeto histórico con pretensiones de toma del poder, como en el caso de Bolivia. Abstract The article analyzes the Latin America identities from the class and class struggle approach placing them beyond the classic bipolarity “bourgeoisie-proletariat” and incorporates a heterogeneous vision of the social classes. This debate articulates two elementary logics; the logic of exploitation and the logic of oppression-domination that by linking the fundaments of class with the ethnic give a particular profile and a particular strength fight to the continent that might not be present in other regions of the world. The idea that the article defends and proposes is that the class struggle continues through social movements that fight for several grievances and these movements assume the role of the “new historical subject” who tends to take power as it is the case in Bolivia.

La emancipación no es inefable

El pensamiento social crítico tiene una nueva demanda. Le urge revisarse en sus conceptos fundamentales, dialogar con las experiencias de los movimientos sociales y hacer valer el recurso del método: el hacer conceptual radical del pensamiento y la acción social por una emancipación humana. Desde la experiencia de trabajo del Grupo América Latina, Filosofía Social y Axiología (GALFISA) se exponen algunos elementos alcanzados y construidos en conjunto y que compartimos para seguir narrando juntos la emancipación. Abstract The critical social thought has a new demand. Is urgent to review its fundamental concepts, dialogue with the experiences of the social movements and give value to the resource of the method: Of making radical conceptual of the thought and the social action for a human emancipation. From the experience of the Latin America, Social Philosophy and Axiology working group (GALFISA) some elements that where reached and built together are exposed, elements that we shared in the continuing task of narrating together the emancipation.

Globalización de la agricultura y la alimentación

Existe la posibilidad y necesidad de abordar la crisis estructural del modelo de producción, distribución y consumo global de alimentos desde la agroecología y el consumo responsable, en su práctica-teoría, y no sólo desde la producción, insuficiente para abordar una problemática que también es circulación, (consumo). Y viceversa, mostrar los límites de iniciativas que abordan el problema del hambre, y por extensión, la pobreza y el desarrollo como un problema a resolver sólo desde la circulación (el comercio). Junto a la teorización desde la práctica de los conceptos de agroecología y consumo responsable aparece la transformación de las relaciones sociales, el ejercicio de la participación y la vinculación con otros movimientos sociales. Se promueve la resistencia agroecológica a la globalización desde abajo. Abstract There is the possibility and necessity to address the structural crisis of the production model, distribution and global food consumption from the agricultural-ecology and the responsible consumption, in its practice- theory, and not only from production, insufficient to address a problem that is also circulation (consumption). And vice versa, to show the limits of the initiatives that address the problem of famine, and therefore poverty and development as a problem to solve only from circulation (commerce). Along with theorization from practice of concepts of agricultural-ecology and responsible consumption, transformation of social relations, participation activities, and linkage with other social movements come out. Agricultural-ecological resistance to globalization from below is promoted.

Alternative media for public pedagogy: "Chief" concerns and human agency

To demonstrate how the growing influence of alternative media in civil society correlates with the rise of social movements and their influence on contemporary manifestations of resistance, this research uses critical ethnographic methodologies to document the narratives of alternative media producers in the pro-Indigenous and anti-“Chief” campaigns at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign during the 2006-2007 school year. These narratives demonstrate not only the ways alternative media help transmit dissent by distributing information to diverse populations, but also the manner they facilitate contexts that influence identity formations and strengthen counter-cultural communal practices. Particular lineages of critical social theory are used to situate knowledge construction and social relationships within specific socio-historic contexts to approach issues of subjectivity, human agency, and resistance. These include the Frankfurt School for Social Research, the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, and the Brazilian education philosopher Paulo Freire, who emphasize criticality based on the engagement of ideological analysis, as well as developing capacities to critique and resist oppressive social and political relationships. Thus, this study argues for expanding traditional notions of literacy to include the ability to decode and produce media as a critical element of meaningful democratic participation.

Um olhar sobre a lei Maria da Penha no Paraná: avanços e desafios

This study aims to analyze the process of implementation of Maria da Penha Law in Paraná from the perception of persons directly involved in combating violence against women in that state. To achieve this goal, the implementation in Curitiba was taken as the main reference, due to its status as capital, being the headquarter of the political powers and the place where are some feminist social movements. We have chosen qualitative approach of interpretative nature as research methodology, because it is a method that allows the analysis of the responses and as a data collection technique. We also have chosen the individual semi-structured interview as interview mode, because it gives greater freedom to the interviewee to discuss the matter, but it is delimited to the study objectives. The research included nine persons, including members of the Judiciary and Public Ministry, public servants and activists. The importance of the study stems from the relevance of the numbers of violence against women in Brazil, and more specifically by the significant occurrence of this kind of acts in the state of Paraná, which currently occupies the 3rd place in the ranking for the most violent states. The paper also discusses gender relations by understanding that violence against women is the result of an asymmetrical power relationship between men and women; human rights because violence is a blatant disregard of women's human rights; on public policies and technologies to confront this form of violence. Among the policies, the Maria da Penha Law is highlighted as one of the most striking examples of public policy for combating violence against women. The research found out which was the participation of Paraná in the discussion and implementation of Maria da Penha Law, identifying relevant facts and people and also what was the repercussion obtained by this law. As for the implementation in Paraná, it was possible to determine progresses, difficulties and challenges of the process. The greatest advances obtained so far are the facilities of: Court of Domestic and Family Violence against Women in Curitiba, Maria da Penha Patrol and Women's Special City Office of Curitiba. As for the difficulties, they are related, among others things, to the physical structure, training of agents, political will, and even cultural issues, which are directly linked to gender issues. Thus it was found that the law is implemented in the state, but there are still several challenges to be achieved, which consist, mainly, of the structure increment for combating violence; awareness and change of mentality of public officials; training of service agents and a greater social participation in combating violence. We concluded that the need for change in gender relations, which is an educational and social evolutionary process and therefore time consuming, is also a challenge.

A formação de educadores para a pedagogia da alternância no Brasil nos movimentos italiano e francês: limitações e possibilidades

The Pedagogy of Alternation (PA), it is a type of education designed to rural people, whose perspective on the idea of combining theory and practice, alternating different times and spaces. On the Brazil, this education modality act from the perspective of two movements: Italian and French. Because it is a distinct mode of traditional, recommends that educators who work in this context also have a different outline. In this sense, it is relevant that there is a training for the educators that meets their needs. It is in these by understand how is the training of these professionals that the study proposes to analyze the educators training processes of PA on Brazil in movements Italian and French, presenting differences and similarities between them. For this, part it of a bibliographic and documental research, which were make initially theoretical surveys about expansion context of method, as well as theirtheoreticalandmethodologicalfoundationsandthePublicPolicybyeducators training. Then, were analyzed educational documents of both movements, laws, ordinances, statutes and field diaries, in order to verify how occurs the educators training process, and from that were stablished differences and similarities between both. The results point that in both movements there were advances in training processes, and despite of there were many similarities in trajectory of the movement, a multitude of issues boosted significant differences. On the Italian movement notes a greater harmony with the original principles of the PA, more engagement and organization by the movement. Because keeps collaborate ships with public authorities and institutions, without, however, losing its autonomy in decision-making and referrals to preserve the principles and foundations of this educational modality. This has encouraged and strengthened the educator’s formation and consequently the quality of education. On the other hand, the French movement it is shown weakened, especially in the state of Paraná, in which the movement is weakened. The small number of students, among other factors, pushed the closure of classes and consequently schools, this has interfered with the continuity of the movement. Many are the limitations by which the French movement has passed, especially with regard to training of their teachers, however, the search for new partner ships, as well as the community and the redemption of the original principles and foundations can be a way to paralyze this retraction and strengthens it.

El efecto dominó de las revueltas sociales de 2011 visto desde la prensa de referencia colombiana

Las movilizaciones de 2011, que comenzaron con la Primavera Árabe y se propagaron por el mundo entero, se convirtieron en un fenómeno mediático internacional, pues centraron parte de sus estrategias de acción en alcanzar visibilidad en los medios de comunicación. Este trabajo, producto de una investigación, tuvo como objetivo analizar cómo fue el cubrimiento de las revueltas desde los principales diarios colombianos El Tiempo y El Espectador; conocer el framing y los recursos empleados para transmitir la información. Para ello, se seleccionaron todas las piezas periodísticas referentes a acciones de protesta alrededor del mundo, publicadas desde el 15 de diciembre de 2010 hasta la misma fecha de 2011 y se les aplicó una matriz de análisis de contenido cuantitativo y cualitativo. Los resultados mostraron que el tratamiento dado a la información potenció la visibilidad de las manifestaciones, desde una perspectiva homogénea, presentando movimientos dispares y distantes como un fenómeno global y contagioso que traspasaba fronteras.

Multiraciality Enters the University: Mixed Race Identity and Knowledge Production in Higher Education

“Multiraciality Enters the University: Mixed Race Identity and Knowledge Production in Higher Education,” explores how the category of “mixed race” has underpinned university politics in California, through student organizing, admissions debates, and the development of a new field of study. By treating the concept of privatization as central to both multiraciality and the neoliberal university, this project asks how and in what capacity has the discourses of multiracialism and the growing recognition of mixed race student populations shaped administrative, social, and academic debates at the state’s flagship universities—the University of California at Berkeley and Los Angeles. This project argues that the mixed race population symbolizing so-called “post-racial societies” is fundamentally attached to the concept of self-authorship, which can work to challenge the rights and resources for college students of color. Through a close reading of texts, including archival materials, policy and media debates, and interviews, I assert that the contemporary deployment of mixed race within the US academy represents a particularly post-civil rights development, undergirded by a genealogy of U.S. liberal individualism. This project ultimately reveals the pressing need to rethink ways to disrupt institutionalized racism in the new millennium.

Incomplete information games of conflict and collective action

My thesis consists of three essays that investigate strategic interactions between individuals engaging in risky collective action in uncertain environments. The first essay analyzes a broad class of incomplete information coordination games with a wide range of applications in economics and politics. The second essay draws from the general model developed in the first essay to study decisions by individuals of whether to engage in protest/revolution/coup/strike. The final essay explicitly integrates state response to the analysis. The first essay, Coordination Games with Strategic Delegation of Pivotality, exhaustively analyzes a class of binary action, two-player coordination games in which players receive stochastic payoffs only if both players take a ``stochastic-coordination action''. Players receive conditionally-independent noisy private signals about the normally distributed stochastic payoffs. With this structure, each player can exploit the information contained in the other player's action only when he takes the “pivotalizing action”. This feature has two consequences: (1) When the fear of miscoordination is not too large, in order to utilize the other player's information, each player takes the “pivotalizing action” more often than he would based solely on his private information, and (2) best responses feature both strategic complementarities and strategic substitutes, implying that the game is not supermodular nor a typical global game. This class of games has applications in a wide range of economic and political phenomena, including war and peace, protest/revolution/coup/ strike, interest groups lobbying, international trade, and adoption of a new technology. My second essay, Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs, studies the decision problem of citizens who must decide whether to submit to the status quo or mount a revolution. If they coordinate, they can overthrow the status quo. Otherwise, the status quo is preserved and participants in a failed revolution are punished. Citizens face two types of uncertainty. (a) non-strategic: they are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution, (b) strategic: they are uncertain about each other's assessments of the relative payoff. I draw on the existing literature and historical evidence to argue that the uncertainty in the payoffs of status quo and revolution is intrinsic in politics. Several counter-intuitive findings emerge: (1) Better communication between citizens can lower the likelihood of revolution. In fact, when the punishment for failed protest is not too harsh and citizens' private knowledge is accurate, then further communication reduces incentives to revolt. (2) Increasing strategic uncertainty can increase the likelihood of revolution attempts, and even the likelihood of successful revolution. In particular, revolt may be more likely when citizens privately obtain information than when they receive information from a common media source. (3) Two dilemmas arise concerning the intensity and frequency of punishment (repression), and the frequency of protest. Punishment Dilemma 1: harsher punishments may increase the probability that punishment is materialized. That is, as the state increases the punishment for dissent, it might also have to punish more dissidents. It is only when the punishment is sufficiently harsh, that harsher punishment reduces the frequency of its application. Punishment Dilemma 1 leads to Punishment Dilemma 2: the frequencies of repression and protest can be positively or negatively correlated depending on the intensity of repression. My third essay, The Repression Puzzle, investigates the relationship between the intensity of grievances and the likelihood of repression. First, I make the observation that the occurrence of state repression is a puzzle. If repression is to succeed, dissidents should not rebel. If it is to fail, the state should concede in order to save the costs of unsuccessful repression. I then propose an explanation for the “repression puzzle” that hinges on information asymmetries between the state and dissidents about the costs of repression to the state, and hence the likelihood of its application by the state. I present a formal model that combines the insights of grievance-based and political process theories to investigate the consequences of this information asymmetry for the dissidents' contentious actions and for the relationship between the magnitude of grievances (formulated here as the extent of inequality) and the likelihood of repression. The main contribution of the paper is to show that this relationship is non-monotone. That is, as the magnitude of grievances increases, the likelihood of repression might decrease. I investigate the relationship between inequality and the likelihood of repression in all country-years from 1981 to 1999. To mitigate specification problem, I estimate the probability of repression using a generalized additive model with thin-plate splines (GAM-TPS). This technique allows for flexible relationship between inequality, the proxy for the costs of repression and revolutions (income per capita), and the likelihood of repression. The empirical evidence support my prediction that the relationship between the magnitude of grievances and the likelihood of repression is non-monotone.