682 resultados para Siege warfare


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Children bear disproportionate consequences of armed conflict. The 21st century continues to see patterns of children enmeshed in international violence between opposing combatant forces, as victims of terrorist warfare, and, perhaps most tragically of all, as victims of civil wars. Innocent children so often are the victims of high-energy wounding from military ordinance. They sustain high-energy tissue damage and massive burns - injuries that are not commonly seen in civilian populations. Children have also been deliberately targeted victims in genocidal civil wars in Africa in the past decade, and hundreds of thousands have been killed and maimed in the context of close-quarter, hand-to-hand assaults of great ferocity. Paediatricians serve as uniformed military surgeons and as civilian doctors in both international and civil wars, and have a significant strategic role to play as advocates for the rights and welfare of children in the context of the evolving 'Laws of War'. One chronic legacy of contemporary warfare is blast injury to children from landmines. Such blasts leave children without feet or lower limbs, with genital injuries, blindness and deafness. This pattern of injury has become one of the post-civil war syndromes encountered by all intensivists and surgeons serving in four of the world's continents. The continued advocacy for the international ban on the manufacture, commerce and military use of antipersonnel landmines is a part of all paediatricians' obligation to promote the ethos of the Laws of War. Post-traumatic stress disorder remains an undertreated legacy of children who have been trapped in the shot and shell of battle as well as those displaced as refugees. An urgent, unfocused and unmet challenge has been the increase in, and plight of, child soldiers themselves. A new class of combatant comprises these children, who also become enmeshed in the triad of anarchic civil war, light-weight weaponry and drug or alcohol addiction. The International Criminal Court has outlawed as a War Crime, the conscription of children under 15 years of age. Nevertheless, there remain more than 300 000 child soldiers active and enmeshed in psychopathic violence as part of both civil and international warfare. The typical profile of a child soldier is of a boy between the ages of 8 and 18 years, bonded into a group of armed peers, almost always an orphan, drug or alcohol addicted, amoral, merciless, illiterate and dangerous. Paediatricians have much to do to protect such war-enmeshed children, irrespective of the accident of their place of birth. Only by such vigorous and maintained advocacy can the world's children be better protected from the scourge of future wars.

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In this article we take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W Bush's (2001) declaration of a 'war on terror'. We present four exemplary 'call to arms' speeches by Pope Urban 11 (1095), Queen Elizabeth I (1588), Adolf Hitler (1938) and George W Bush (2001) to exemplify the structure, function, and historical significance of such texts in western societies over the last millennium. We identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appeal to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) an appeal for unification behind the legitimating external power source. We argue further that such texts typically appear in historical contexts characterized by deep crises in political legitimacy.

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An increased incidence of attack has been identified as a major characteristic of the new threat posed by terrorist groups such as al Qaeda. This article considers what such a change means for Western national security systems by examining bow different parts of the system change over time. It becomes evident that Western national security systems are structured on an assumption of comparatively slow state-based threats. In contrast, terrorist franchises operate at a faster pace, are more 'lightweight' and can adapt within the operational and capability cycles of Western governments. Neither network-centric warfare nor an improved assessment of the threat, called for by some, offers a panacea in this regard. Rather, it is clear that not only do Western governments need to adjust their operational and capability cycles, but that they also need a greater diversity of responses to increase overall national security resilience and offer more tools for policy-makers.

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Clark 1 (diphenylarsine chloride) and Clark 2 ( diphenylarsine cyanide) were used as chemical weapon agents (CWA), and the soil contamination by these CWA and their degraded products, diphenyl and phenyl arsenicals, has been one of the most serious environmental issues. In a series of comparisons in toxicity between trivalent and pentavalent arsenicals we investigated differences in the accumulation and toxicity of phenylarsine oxide (PAO(3+)) and phenylarsonic acid (PAA(5+)) in rat heart microvascular endothelial cells. Both the cellular association and toxicity of PAO(3+) were much higher than those of PAA(5+), and LC50 values of PAO(3+) and PAA(5+) were calculated to be 0.295 muM and 1.93 mM, respectively. Buthionine sulfoximine, a glutathione depleter, enhanced the cytotoxicity of both PAO(3+) and PAA(5+). N-Acetyl-L-cysteine (NAC) reduced the cytotoxicity and induction of heme oxygenase-1 (HO-1) mRNA in PAO(3+)-exposed cells, while NAC affected neither the cytotoxicity nor the HO-1 mRNA level in PAA(5+)-exposed cells. The effect of NAC may be due to a strong affinity of PAO(3+) to thiol groups because both NAC and GSH inhibited the cellular accumulation of PAO(3+), but PAA(3+) increased tyrosine phosphorylation levels of cellular proteins. These results indicate that the inhibition of protein phosphatases as well as the high affinity to cellular components may confer PAO(3+) the high toxicity.

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A pesquisa analisa as práticas sociais da Igreja Comunidade Evangélica de Maringá, localizada no Estado do Paraná, à luz da Práxis Religiosa. Esta Igreja tem se destacado por suas atividades sociais na cidade onde está sediada. Foi fundada em 1989, por Irene Ribarolli Pereira da Silva, ex-integrante da Igreja Metodista de Maringá. Após deixar a Igreja Metodista, foi ordenada pastora e acumulou também, a função de presidente da nova Igreja. Adotou o neopentecostalismo na formação da nova Igreja, com ênfase na batalha espiritual. São comedidos nos pedidos de dízimos e ofertas e, contrários a entrevista com demônios, devido à exposição dos fiéis que, são em sua sede, predominantemente oriundos da classe média. Ao contrário das igrejas neopentecostais que, privilegiam as multidões mas não prezam pelo contato individual com os fieis, está igreja, valoriza e facilita o contato dos membros com seus pastores e líderes. Para isso disponibiliza publicamente os ministérios da Igreja, com nome e telefone dos pastores e líderes, inclusive o telefone da presidente, para contato pelos fiéis. Em função das práticas sociais realizadas na cidade, no ano de 2003, criaram a Organização Reviver. Essa organização foi criada para expandir e melhorar as atividades da Igreja e, posteriormente foi declarada de utilidade pública, através de um projeto de lei, da Câmara de Vereadores da cidade. Ao analisar suas práticas sociais, serão confrontados as teorias e discursos desta igreja, com suas realizações, para avaliar se existe em seu meio, reflexão, diálogo, percepção da realidade e necessidade caracterizando Práxis, que visa transformação e libertação, ou se o que está por trás, destas atividades é somente um proselitismo disfarçado, ou mero assistencialismo, ou seja, apenas práticas, sem práxis.

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As an anomaly on the market of military shooters of the 21st century, Spec Ops: The Line entails a journey of undetermined realities and modern warfare consequences. In this study, the narrative is analyzed from the perspective of Jean Baudrillard’s idea that simulations have replaced our conception of reality. Both the protagonist and the player of Spec Ops will unavoidably descend into a state of the hyperreal. They experience multiple possible realities within the game narrative and end up unable to comprehend what has transpired. The hyperreal is defined as the state in which it is impossible to discern reality from simulation. The simulation of reality has proliferated itself into being the reality, and the original has been lost. The excessive use of violence, direct approach of the player through a break with the 4th wall and a deceitful narrator contribute to this loss of reality within the game. Although the game represents simulacra, being a simulation in itself, the object of study is the coexisting state of hyperreal shared between protagonist and player when comprehending events in the game. In the end, neither part can understand or discern with any certainty what transpired within the game.

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This paper analyzes a communication network facing users with a continuous distribution of delay cost per unit time. Priority queueing is often used as a way to provide differential services for users with different delay sensitivities. Delay is a key dimension of network service quality, so priority is a valuable resource which is limited and should to be optimally allocated. We investigate the allocation of priority in queues via a simple bidding mechanism. In our mechanism, arriving users can decide not to enter the network at all or submit an announced delay sensitive value. User entering the network obtains priority over all users who make lower bids, and is charged by a payment function which is designed following an exclusion compensation principle. The payment function is proved to be incentive compatible, so the equilibrium bidding behavior leads to the implementation of "cµ-rule". Social warfare or revenue maximizing by appropriately setting the reserve payment is also analyzed.

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The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.

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Use of military analogy is rampant and considered an acceptable part of business vernacular. However, analogies only illustrate, and bad analogies make bad strategy. There are important lessons to be learned from military strategy, though. This article identifies "the ten principles of strategy" that corporate strategists could utilize in testing their strategic theories, concepts, and plans.

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Chemical warfare agents continue to pose a global threat despite the efforts of the international community to prohibit their use in warfare. For this reason, improvement in the detection of these compounds remains of forensic interest. Protein adducts formed by the covalent modification of an electrophilic xenobiotic and a nucleophilic amino acid may provide a biomarker of exposure that is stable and specific to compounds of interest (such as chemical warfare agents), and have the capability to extend the window of detection further than the parent compound or circulating metabolites. This research investigated the formation of protein adducts of the nitrogen mustard chemical warfare agents mechlorethamine (HN-2) and tris(2-chloroethyl)amine (HN-3) to lysine and histidine residues found on the blood proteins hemoglobin and human serum albumin. Identified adducts were assessed for reproducibility and stability both in model peptide and whole protein assays. Specificity of these identified adducts was assessed using in vitro assays to metabolize common therapeutic drugs containing nitrogen mustard moieties. Results of the model peptide assays demonstrated that HN-2 and HN-3 were able to form stable adducts with lysine and histidine residues under physiological conditions. Results for whole protein assays identified three histidine adducts on hemoglobin, and three adducts (two lysine residues and one histidine residue) on human serum albumin that were previously unknown. These protein adducts were determined to be reproducible and stable at physiological conditions over a three-week analysis period. Results from the in vitro metabolic assays revealed that adducts formed by HN-2 and HN-3 are specific to these agents, as metabolized therapeutic drugs (chlorambucil, cyclophosphamide, and melphalan) did not form the same adducts on lysine or histidine residues as the previously identified adducts formed by HN-2 and HN-3. Results obtained from the model peptide and full protein work were enhanced by comparing experimental data to theoretical calculations for adduct formation, providing further confirmatory data. This project was successful in identifying and characterizing biomarkers of exposure to HN-2 and HN-3 that are specific and stable and which have the potential to be used for the forensic determination of exposure to these dangerous agents.

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The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.

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After the outbreak of war, civilians of Central Power nationality were declared ‘enemy aliens’ throughout the British Empire. Scotland serves as a representative case history to analyse patterns of public Germanophobia, ethnic minority displacement, internment, and repatriation. The Stobs camp in the Scottish Borders region was one of the biggest camps in the Empire. Internees were affected by the depressive ‘barbed wire disease’ and organised a plethora of activities. Those who were repatriated faced destitution in Germany. Neither in Britain nor in Germany have they been included in remembrance cultures. Within wider debates about the totalisation of warfare during World War I, the article takes on a global perspective to argue in favour of a stronger emphasis on civilian suffering.