Occurrence of Methanogenic Archaea in Highly Polluted Sediments of Tropical Santos-So Vicente Estuary (So Paulo, Brazil)

Little is known about the ability of methanogens to grow and produce methane in estuarine environments. In this study, traditional methods for cultivating strictly anaerobic microorganisms were combined with Fluorescence in situ hybridization (FISH) technique to enrich and identify methanogenic Archaea cultures occurring in highly polluted sediments of tropical Santos-So Vicente Estuary (So Paulo, Brazil). Sediment samples were enriched at 30A degrees C under strict anaerobic and halophilic conditions, using a basal medium containing 2% of sodium chloride and amended with glucose, methanol, and sodium salts of acetate, formate and lactate. High methanogenic activity was detected, as evidenced by the biogas containing 11.5 mmol of methane at 20 days of incubation time and methane yield of 0.138-mmol CH(4)/g organic matter/g volatile suspense solids. Cells of methanogenic Archaea were selected by serial dilution in medium amended separately with sodium acetate, sodium formate, or methanol. FISH analysis revealed the presence of Methanobacteriaceae and Methanosarcina sp. cells.

Evidence of contamination by oil and oil products in the Santos-São Vicente estuary, São Paulo, Brazil

Different components of the mixed function oxidase (MFO) system and the levels of fluorescent aromatic compounds in bile (FACs) were measured in Cathorops spixii in order to assess the impact of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs). Fish were sampled in an estuary (Santos/Sao Vicente) with a history of contamination by PAHs, mainly due to the presence of the industrial complex of Cubatao city and of another of low anthropogenic influence (Cananeia) on the Brazilian coast. FACs were higher in fish from the polluted site, and the PAH 5 and 6-ring metabolites were the most frequent - with 14% and 15%, respectively. Levels of the different components of the MFO system showed the same variation profile as the FACs for both estuaries. Therefore, the values found for somatic indexes and biomarkers with data of bile PAH metabolites indicate the presence of organic contaminants, especially in the area subject to the influence of the industrial complex on the Santos/Sao Vicente estuary.

G'day Gondwana - the final accretion of a supercontinent: U-Pb ages from the post-orogenic Sao Vicente Granite, northern Paraguay Belt, Brazil

The Paraguay Belt in central South America is part of a larger chain of orogenic belts, including the Araguaia Belt to the northeast and potentially the Pampean Belt to the south, which are believed to mark the suture zone of the Clymene Ocean - interpreted amongst the youngest of the Gondwana amalgamation orogens. The post-orogenic Sao Vicente Granite crops out in the northern Paraguay Belt and cuts the basal unit of the deformed and metamorphosed Cuiaba Group. The age of this granite therefore provides a long sort after minimum age for orogenesis within the belt. Dating crystallisation of this important intrusion is challenging due to the presence of considerable common-Pb. However, based on LA-ICPMS dating of more than 100 zircons from three separate samples we interpret a robust crystallisation age for the Sao Vicente batholith at 518 +/- 4 Ma. This age constrains the termination of deformation within the Paraguay Belt and the final accretion of the supercontinent Gondwana. (C) 2011 International Association for Gondwana Research. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Temporal variability of chlorophyll-a in the São Vicente estuary

Estuaries are extremely dynamic environments that are vulnerable to anthropogenic alterations. Thus, monitoring phytoplankton abundances and composition is an essential tool for the prediction of eutrophication and its effects on coastal ecosystems. Phytoplankton biomass, as chlorophyll-a, in the São Vicente estuary (Brazil) varies in response to tidal cycles and seasonal rainfall. Objectives. To present two datasets designed to assess the relationship between chlorophyll-a and changes in water turbidity driven by tide and rain. Methods. Weekly observations were made in the shallow embayment (February to September 2008; site 1) and observations recorded on alternate days (summer 2010, site 2). Results. At site 1, turbidity differed between high and low tides, but on most days was over 3000 RU, maintaining moderate chlorophyll-a levels (4 mg.m-3) and only two blooms developed during low turbidity. Site 2 mean turbidity was 1500 RU, nutrient level was higher during neap tides and phytoplankton blooms were mainly observed at the end of neap tides at 15-day intervals, dominated by chain-forming diatoms and occasionally flagellates and pennate diatoms. Conclusions. Taxonomic composition of the blooms was different and their frequency altered by events characterized by intense freshwater discharges from the Henry Borden Hydroelectric Dam (> 9*106.m³), inhibiting phytoplankton accumulation during neap tide periods.

Profitable instructions (1963) : edición de texto y análisis de la expresión del punto de vista

[ES] Esta tesis presenta la edición crítica del libro Profitable instructions; describing what speciall obseruations are to be taken by trauellers in all nations, states and countries; pleasant and profitable. By the three much admired, Robert, late Earle of Essex. Sir Philip Sidney. And, Secretary Davison (1633). Dicho manual contiene tres partes diferenciadas como (a) el material prefatorio formado por una carta dirigida al lector, (b) el manual de instrucciones para el viajero, y (c) dos cartas dirigidas a viajeros noveles. Este libro ha sido objeto de estudio de algunos investigadores desde una perspectiva cultural y literaria, especialmente, la carta redactada por Sidney. Sin embargo, no parece haber sido editado anteriormente en su totalidad ni tampoco el texto ha sido objeto de análisis lingüístico y/o textual. Existe, no obstante, alguna edición de la carta de Robert Devereux al Conde de Rutland como la realizada por Spedding et al. (1862).

Razones para un Exilio Interior. Vicente Aleixandre y la Guerra Civil española

[ES]El poeta Vicente Aleixandre prestó su apoyo durante la Guerra Civil española al bando republicano, hasta que en los primeros meses de 1937 los mismos republicanos lo detuvieron y lo llevaron a la cárcel, aunque antes de las veinticuatro horas fue puesto en libertad. A partir de ese momento –y tras un intento frustrado de salir del país– se retiró de la vida pública y optó por el silencio. Acabada la guerra, mantuvo una distancia crítica con el régimen franquista e hizo cuanto le fue posible por la reconciliación entre las dos Españas.

La Pace Calda. La nascita del movimento antinucleare negli Stati Uniti e in Gran Bretagna, 1957-1963

The aim of this proposal is to offer an alternative perspective on the study of Cold War, since insufficient attention is usually paid to those organizations that mobilized against the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons. The antinuclear movement began to mobilize between the 1950s and the 1960s, when it finally gained the attention of public opinion, and helped to build a sort of global conscience about nuclear bombs. This was due to the activism of a significant part of the international scientific community, which offered powerful intellectual and political legitimization to the struggle, and to the combined actions of the scientific and organized protests. This antinuclear conscience is something we usually tend to consider as a fait accompli in contemporary world, but the question is to show its roots, and the way it influenced statesmen and political choices during the period of nuclear confrontation of the early Cold War. To understand what this conscience could be and how it should be defined, we have to look at the very meaning of the nuclear weapons that has deeply modified the sense of war. Nuclear weapons seemed to be able to destroy human beings everywhere with no realistic forms of control of the damages they could set off, and they represented the last resource in the wide range of means of mass destruction. Even if we tend to consider this idea fully rational and incontrovertible, it was not immediately born with the birth of nuclear weapons themselves. Or, better, not everyone in the world did immediately share it. Due to the particular climate of Cold War confrontation, deeply influenced by the persistence of realistic paradigms in international relations, British and U.S. governments looked at nuclear weapons simply as «a bullet». From the Trinity Test to the signature of the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963, many things happened that helped to shift this view upon nuclear weapons. First of all, more than ten years of scientific protests provided a more concerned knowledge about consequences of nuclear tests and about the use of nuclear weapons. Many scientists devoted their social activities to inform public opinion and policy-makers about the real significance of the power of the atom and the related danger for human beings. Secondly, some public figures, as physicists, philosophers, biologists, chemists, and so on, appealed directly to the human community to «leave the folly and face reality», publicly sponsoring the antinuclear conscience. Then, several organizations leaded by political, religious or radical individuals gave to this protests a formal structure. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in Great Britain, as well as the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy in the U.S., represented the voice of the masses against the attempts of governments to present nuclear arsenals as a fundamental part of the international equilibrium. Therefore, the antinuclear conscience could be defined as an opposite feeling to the development and the use of nuclear weapons, able to create a political issue oriented to the influence of military and foreign policies. Only taking into consideration the strength of this pressure, it seems possible to understand not only the beginning of nuclear negotiations, but also the reasons that permitted Cold War to remain cold.

1963-1968. Dall'avvento dell'amministrazione di Lyndon B. Johnson al Trattato di Non-Proliferazione. gli Stati Uniti, la Francia, la NATO e l'Europa agli esordi della distensione. Storia di una "non-crisi" transatlantica e della riorganizzazione dell'Alleanza.

The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.