'Localizing the national' - The rediscovery and reshaping of local campaigning in Australia

Pippa Norris provides a schematic account of the evolution of campaigning through premodern, modern and postmodern stages. In particular she points to an emerging postmodern phase of electioneering characterized by a renewed emphasis upon direct forms of engagement which resonate with an earlier period in which campaigns were locally fought and largely dependent upon the canvassing efforts of party workers and volunteers. Norris's analysis offers a useful prism with which to view recent developments in electioneering in Australia. In the past several elections the rival Labor and Liberal parties have attempted to achieve a synergy between their centrally conducted and constituency-level campaigns by ensuring that their national campaigns are locally relevant and address local concerns. Their efforts to 'localize the national' meld the use of sophisticated software with elements of a traditional 'meet and greet' politics and suggest that local campaigning may now have a new shape and importance.

A educação em cena : a Revista de Educação como circulação de representações sobre saberes educacionais no Espírito Santo (1934-1937)

Este estudo analisa os processos de circulação e apropriação das representações sobre os saberes da educação escolarizada difundidos pela Revista de Educação do Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1934 e 1937. Como referencial teórico baseamo- nos em Chartier (1990) acerca do conceito de representação, em Balandier (1982) em relação ao conceito de encenação de poder instituído que assume visibilidade quando circula na Revista, concedendo publicização aos feitos políticos realizados por dado grupo social, e em Julia (2001), junto ao conceito de cultura escolar. A partir desse arcabouço teórico, empreendemos metodologia de pesquisa a partir da análise histórica da fonte, dialogando, para tanto, com diferentes documentos e registros que configuram uma série de dados que constituem nossa fonte. Trata-se da análise das representações travadas no debate sobre a formação, divulgação e apropriação do conjunto de práticas e saberes pedagógicos dirigido aos professores, por parte de um grupo de intelectuais locais que se apresentava como portador do projeto de modernização do Espírito Santo inserido no contexto nacional. A Revista de Educação/ES tinha entre seus principais objetivos o de (in)formar os professores, ou seja, enquadrar suas práticas às novas demandas educacionais. Deste modo, a Revista esteve atrelada a um projeto educacional em que os intelectuais corroboravam a ampla circulação de um conjunto de representações sobre a modernidade, utilizando a Revista como suporte, visto que, desde as capas, são expostos “monumentos de modernização”, como os prédios escolares e todo um complexo arranjo de artefatos simbólicos, traduzidos muitas vezes em festas e rituais escolares que evocavam “um novo tempo para a Educação do Estado”, ou seja, fazendo da educação escolarizada um espetáculo.

Brazil and the economic, political, and environmental multilateralism: the Lula years (2003-2010)

This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation

Mao's steps in Monroe's backyard: towards a United States-China hegemonic struggle in Latin America?

Contrary to what could be expected given the United States' historical hegemony of Latin America, growing Chinese influence in this region has not led to a dispute between China and the US. Despite activism of hard-line groups in the United States, both parties have faced the issue with noticeable pragmatism. This attitude could be explained by three variables: the US political negligence towards Latin America in the Post-Cold War, the focus of Sino-Latin American relations on economic rather than geopolitical or ideological affairs, and the scanty relevance of the region in the top priorities of overall Washington-Beijing relations.

Political conditions for successful inflation stabilization: comparing Brazil and Argentina

This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

«Corruption» and social and economic criminal law: criminology, criminal policy, political science and law&economics - a new idea about criminal liability of legal entities

Abstract: If we think there is a significant number of legal offshore in the globalized world, then there is not even a global consensus about what «corruption» is. The «illegal corruption» in a country may be legal in another. Moreover, the great global corruption is above the law or above democratic States. And not all democratic States are «Rule of Law». Therefore, the solution is global earlier in time and space law, democratic, free and true law. While the human being does not reach a consensus of what «corruption» really is, the discussion will not go further than a caricature. One of the other problems about «corruption» is that it is very difficult to establish the imputation of crimes, including «corruption» (v.g. Portugal) on some «companies», corporations. We have a juridical problem in the composition of the art. 11. of the Portuguese Penal Code.

Biomassa seca acumulada, partições e rendimento industrial da cana-de-açúcar irrigada no Semiárido brasileiro

Objetivou-se, com este trabalho, determinar parâmetros de crescimento e de rendimento da cana-de-açúcar cv. RB92579, sob regime de irrigação, no Semiárido brasileiro, visando a avaliar o desempenho desta cultura nas condições edafoclimáticas locais. Foram avaliados o acúmulo de biomassa seca e as suas respectivas partições, durante dois ciclos consecutivos de cana-de-açúcar (soca e ressoca), além dos indicadores de rendimento e de qualidade da cultura ao final do período experimental. Em ambos os ciclos, foram realizadas dez coletas de amostras para se determinar a biomassa seca de seis componentes estruturais dos perfilhos (folhas verdes, bainhas, parte emergente, pseudocolmos, folhas e bainhas mortas e colmo). A cana-de-açúcar apresentou elevado acúmulo de biomassa seca da parte aérea da planta, com valor médio de 6.493 g m-2 para os dois ciclos de cultivo. No início do seu crescimento, os fotoassimilados foram destinados prioritariamente às folhas verdes, bainhas, parte emergente e pseudocolmos. Em fase posterior de crescimento, os fotoassimilados passaram a ser utilizados na formação dos colmos. Os resultados obtidos foram muito semelhantes para os ciclos de soca e ressoca. Os modelos ajustados para descrever a evolução da biomassa seca e de suas respectivas partições apresentaram ajustes satisfatórios, em função dos dias após o corte. O elevado rendimento industrial (133,88 ± 40,84 t ha-1) e a alta concentração de sacarose por biomassa seca (0,34 ± 0,10 g g-1) proporcionaram valores elevados de produção de açúcar (17,75 ± 4,44 t ha-1) e de álcool (12,73 ± 3,23 t ha-1), indicando alto desempenho produtivo da RB92579 para a região.

Cuidado com bicos-de-pé em face da Constituição

Nas palavras de Canotilho/Moreira, o regime político português é um Estado-de-partidos, os quais foram elevados à Constituição formal. São expressão da vontade popular (10º/2). São um direito fundamental constitucional. Participar ou fundar um partido é um direito, liberdade e garantia (art. 51º). Participam nos órgãos com base no sufrágio universal e directo. Mas são mediadores pois o poder político é do Povo (art. 108º)! São os partidos que formam a vontade de órgãos como o Governo! Os partidos têm direito a apresentar candidatos aos órgãos; e têm o direito de obter mandatos de acordo com os resultados eleitorais e o método proporcional (art. 113º/5 e 152º/1)… E às Forças Armadas incumbe a defesa militar da República: art. 275º/1 CRP… § In the words of Canotilho / Moreira, the Portuguese political system is a state-parties, which were elevated to the formal Constitution. They are an expression of popular will (10/2). Is a constitutional fundamental right. Participate or found a party is a right, freedom and guarantee (art. 51). Participate in organs based on direct and universal suffrage. But are mediators because political power is the people (art. 108)! Are the parties that form the will of organs such as the Government! The parties are entitled to nominate candidates to the organs; and have the right to obtain mandates in accordance with the election results and the proportional method (Article 113/5 and 152/1.) ... and the Armed Forces have the responsibility for the military defense of the Republic: art. 275/1 CRP ...

The political economy of corruption in Brazil

This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

Organizing resistance movements: contribution of the political discourse theory

The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

Reelection incentives and political budget cycle: evidence from Brazil

This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

“The political economy of the Church”

A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.