995 resultados para Medieval Christianism
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The Jabirian Corpus refers to the K. Thahirat Al-`Iskandar, ""The Book of the Treasure of Alexander"" (hereafter BTA), as one of several forgeries suggesting that alchemical secrets were hidden in inscriptions in various places. The book was neglected until 1926, when Julius Ruska discussed it in his work on the Emerald Tablet, placing the BTA within the literature related to the development of Arabic alchemy. His preliminary study became an essential reference and encouraged many scholars to work on the BTA in the following decades. Some years ago, we completed the first translation of the BTA into a Western language. The work was based on the acephalous Escorial manuscript, which we identified as a fourteenth-century copy of the BTA. This manuscript is peculiar, as part of it is encoded. After finishing our translation, we started to establish the text of the BTA. At present, the text is in process of fixation-to be followed by textual criticism-and has been the main focus of a thorough study of ours on medieval hermeticism and alchemy. A sample of the work currently in progress is presented in this paper: an analysis of the variations between different manuscripts along with a study and English translation of its alchemical chapter.
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Over two thousand years the Christian Church identified a wider range and a greater number of heresies than most other religions and, when secular authorities did not protected the heretics, took drastic measures to persuade the heretic to recant and to extirpate the false doctrine. Heresy, of course, is a word like a box [End Page 201] that at different times may hold many different ideas and so some articles are dealing with definitions and identifications that are not the same. The editors suggest that the articles show a profound change in culture in the eighteenth century which means that present day scholars can barely imagine the mind-set that produced medieval attitudes to heresy. This is the task some of the authors have set themselves while others seek to explain how the change came about as part of the historical search for truth.
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To approach philosophy as a way of working on the self means to begin not with the experience it clarifies and the subject it discovers, but with the acts of self‐transformation it requires and the subjectivity it seeks to fashion. Commenting on the variety of spiritual exercises to be found in the ancient schools, Pierre Hadot remarks that: Some, like Plutarch’s ethismoi, designed to curb curiosity, anger or gossip, were only practices intended to ensure good moral habits. Others, particularly the meditations of the Platonic tradition, demanded a high degree of mental concentration. Some, like the contemplation of nature as practiced in all philosophical schools, turned the soul toward the cosmos, while still others—rare and exceptional—led to a transfiguration of the personality, as in the experiences of Plotinus. We also saw that the emotional tone and notional content of these exercises varied widely from one philosophical school to another: from the mobilization of energy and consent to destiny of the Stoics, to the relaxation and detachment of the Epicureans, to the mental concentration and renunciation of the sensible world among the Platonists.1 While successfully applied to ancient philosophy,2 this approach has not been widely exploited in the history of philosophy more broadly. There is, however, at least one study of medieval metaphysics in these terms,3 and there are some important discussions of early modern Stoicism and Epicureanism.4 And a recent study of Hume shows the fruitfulness of the approach for Enlightenment philosophy.5 It is all the more surprising then that there seems to have been no serious attempt to approach Kant’s moral philosophy in this way.
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A data da emergência do «Discurso da Universidade» em Lacan introduz uma pontuação cronológica que parece carecer de plausibilidade, já que cerca de 350 anos separam o que se ensina na antiga Atenas da construção medieval da Universidade. Este artigo explica o que leva Lacan a dar as suas datas.
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This account is drawn from a manuscript in Madrid National Library and till recently unpublished. It is an autobiographical account of a diamond trader who lived in Goa in the 17th century and travelled to various regions of India and elsewhere in Asia in search of diamonds. Jacques de Couttre, a flemish merchant, was a victim of the Goa Inquisition, but his diamonds won him freedom!
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Interview with Maria de Lima Pereira, Herald reporter on the eve of the release of the new edition of *Medieval Goa* in Panjim, Goa
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Historians have successfully pointed to new ways of re-writing Christianity’s history.
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Cristão por inspiração íntima e católico por filiação institucional, a relevância da personalidade de S. Francisco de Assis estende-se para lá do domínio estritamente religioso. Profundamente pertencentes ao espírito do seu tempo, o pensamento e a obra do Santo de Assis assumem uma importância extrema na viragem social e espiritual a que a Idade Média assistiu por volta dos séculos XII e XIII. Tido por alguns dos mais importantes intérpretes medievalistas como o inventor do sentimento medieval da natureza, S. Francisco motivou fervorosas adesões à sua espiritualidade e, simultaneamente, assumiu grande relevância enquanto modelo e inspiração nas reflexões de escritores e espiritualistas ocidentais. A sua valorização da natureza, fruto do extravasamento ôntico do ideal cristão de fraternidade, foi perfilhada pelos autores do século XIX, ávidos de uma reabilitação naturalista. Nomes como Chateaubriand e Lamartine, escritores da moderna França cristã e ambos adeptos do rousseauniano culto da natureza, aproximam as suas obras do encomiástico discurso franciscano face à obra de Deus, ainda que nem todos assumam na íntegra a perspectiva de S. Francisco. Mas não é apenas além-fronteiras que se verifica a importância da espiritualidade do Poverello.
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O presente artigo consagra-se à redescoberta de alguns dos textos que, na Europa do passado, foram fazendo a pedagogia da morte cristã, propondo atitudes normativas, morais como orações, culpas e arrependimentos, asceses como espiritualidades, ensinando verdadeiramente a bem morrer. Conhecidos desde o período medieval, alguns desses textos mais frequentados haveriam de cristalizar-se numa ars moriendi em que se oferecia, desde o período quatrocentista, um texto muitas vezes procurado, compulsado e copiado, mas intimamente ligado a uma iconografia que parecia mesmo sobrepujar essas lições fixadas pela ―arte de morrer‖.
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Beaver only had been found in Portugal in a Chalcolithic locality, the Vila Nova de S. Pedro castrum. It has now been identified in the Upper Paleolithic (Solutrean) from Gruta do Caldeirão, near Tomar. The species has been found recently at «Gruta do Almonda»; 4 teeth were collected in bed C, older than a Solutrean sequence (see Anexo for details). The species seems to have been rare, as it was also the case with portuguese Miocene Castoridae Enroxenomys minutus and Chalicomys jaegeri. If account is taken of the presence in the Middle Ages until Castille of words meaning beaver (relared to the popular latin Fiber/Biber), it is obvious that these animais still existed then. Such nouns were largely predominant over rhe rather erudite latin (greek deríved) words as Castor,-óris and derived ones, as it could be expected. This allowed us to recognize that veiro should be the corresponding word with Fiber affinities in archaic portuguese. It was previously supposed to mean only expensive furs then imported into Portugal. Indeed it was also a zoonym. Anywày, beaver should be scarce by XIIIth century since it is not included in the quite detailed price list imposed by the «Lei da Almotaçaria» from December 26, 1253 (see Quadro II). Toponyms in veiro and derived words (fig. 2; Quadro III) (plural, feminines, diminutives, inhabited places) give a resrrictive view of rhe Middle Age distribution. Some of them are certainly older than Portugal itself (firsr half of XIlth cenrury); others existed by the XIVth century bur were probably older. Some rare toponyms seem to be derived from the erudite latin Castor,-óris. Nothing suggests that these words were still in use as zoonyms during the Middle Ages. All toponyms are located in regions near rivers and other freshwaters ecologically suitable for beavers, so we can approximately retrace its former, Middle Age disrribution in Portugal (fig. 2; Quadro III). Most of them are locared in the Center-West and Northwest of Portugal, with a suitable c1imate (rainfall in general over 800 mílimerers per year); the only sure geographical exception is Veiros, in Alto Alentejo province, in a region with comparable precipitations and less dry climate conditions than mosr of the territories South of rhe Tagus. There are less and less of these toponyms towards rhe South and the inner part of the country, and they are enrirely lacking in all drier regions from Trás-os-Montes, Beira, Alentejo beyond Tagus' basin, and in Algarve. Nothing suggests beavers lived there, No post-medieval toponym is known, nor any reference after middle XVth century. No such locality was at, or close by to, any frontier. Hence the hypothesis of veiro (et al.} as meaning but points where expensive furs (supposedly known as veiros in general but without c1early saying from what animal they were obrained from) is to be discarded. During the Middle Ages, beaver discriburion concerned all the main river basins from Minho to Tagus ones. Quite rarefied in rhe XIIIth, the beavers may have disappeared from Portugal during the XVth century. Ecological requiremenrs restricted their former distriburion. Vulnerability to natural causes (i.e., severe drought) and to human pressure may have accounted heavily for this species' extinction. Last (1446) reference for Portugal known to us suggests the species was by then almost extinct.
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Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Doutor em Conservação e Restauro, especialidade Teoria, História e Técnicas, pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia