El salto virtual del debate colectivo: potencialidades y limitaciones de las nuevas plataformas para la deliberación y la toma de decisiones ciudadanas

Las nuevas Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación han emergido en los últimos años como el principal cambio en la conformación de redes de acción colectiva y en la mutación de los canales que sustentan el debate público. En este ámbito, la reciente aparición de plataformas virtuales para la deliberación ha contribuido a transformar profundamente la naturaleza de la acción participativa, tanto en su concepción expresiva como instrumental. Dichas nuevas herramientas se caracterizan esencialmente por proporcionar un soporte que aúna la posibilidad del debate plural en torno a asuntos políticos y cambio social, y a la vez integra en él (en grados muy diversos como se comprobará) la toma de decisiones como fruto de la deliberación colectiva. Estas propiedades les dotan de una naturaleza que no es asimilable a aplicaciones virtuales de comunicación política netamente discursivas, y perfilan un objetivo expreso de simular las características propias de un ágora presencial, ofreciendo un incentivo participativo a través de su intento por solventar las limitaciones y condicionantes espacio-temporales o de amplitud poblacional propios de la interacción comunicativa tradicional. La integración del componente expresivo e instrumental de la participación ciudadana que abordan este tipo de plataformas y aplicaciones, plantea sin duda un reto en el ya amplio debate académico en torno al alcance real de Internet como esfera significativa para conformación de voluntad colectiva y cambio político, que hasta ahora quedaba escindido entre escépticos y partidarios. La propuesta se articula a partir de la exploración y análisis comparativo de las principales plataformas y aplicaciones virtuales en español para la deliberación y la toma de decisiones colectivas. A efectos de análisis se establecen criterios evaluativos combinando las propuestas dimensionales desarrolladas por Coleman y Gøtze (2001) y Dahlgren (2005) para cuestiones relativas a Internet, comunicación y deliberación política, con especial énfasis en el análisis diferencial de las capacidades estructurales e interactivas de cada una de las herramientas.

15M. La expresión del conflicto en las canciones protestas

El objetivo de esta comunicación es analizar de manera exploratoria en qué forma las letras de las canciones protesta, escritas en el entorno de las movilizaciones del 15M, contienen una visión del mundo social, económico y político. Las canciones protesta se caracterizan por la denuncia social de situaciones de explotación, discriminación o esclavitud. El rasgo común a todas ellas es la existencia de un conflicto, al que responden tomando posición por una de las partes o apelando a la paz y al consenso. En ocasiones ofrecen soluciones a dichos conflictos, si bien no es la situación más extendida. En relación a las canciones del 15M, emplearemos como referencia las disponibles en la página de la Fundación Robo. En dicha página se alojan canciones cuyo nexo de unión es la protesta por la situación que vive la sociedad española. Tomando las canciones como datos de análisis, se estudiarán los estilos más empleados para protestar, el empleo del “bricoleur” (Levi-Strauss) de músicas y letras para recomponer un nuevo mensaje y finalmente se considerará la presencia de dualizaciones como las de “nosotros” y “ellos”. Se exploran las razones que se exponen en las letras para llegar al conflicto actual y las soluciones que se proponen. Tras definir qué actores y colectivos definen cada uno de los grupos, se consideran las relaciones que se proponen entre ellos. Destacan los planteamientos que presentan la relación como de lucha o conflicto, mientras que la oferta de relaciones constructivas, ya sea de diálogo, consenso o negociación, es prácticamente inexistente. Raramente ofrecen una solución pacífica a los conflictos.

La costruzione giuridica del modello sociale europeo (con una postilla sul MSE al tempo della crisi globale) [The legal construction of the European social model (with a note on the MSE at the time of the global crisis)]. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 88/2011

No abstract.

Giovani e formazione nelle normative europee: l'apprendistato [Training of the Young in European apprenticeship]. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 90/2012

This contribution starts with the examination of the recent Italian Law on Apprenticeship (Decree n° 167 of 2011) in the light of the European regulation, namely that one coming from EU. Then, the European regulations of Apprenticeship - that is to say the regulations in some EU Member States - are analysed. Those rules shows some unexpected similarities among the different legal systems, which suggest the proposal of a new EU Directive that could regulate some issues of Apprenticeship.

Common places, new places. The labour law rhetoric of the crisis. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 92/2012

'Common places', as argued in this paper, may at times fulfil a persuasive function. This is the case of messages enshrined in Europe 2020. In the aftermath of an unprecedented economic and financial crisis they may sound like common places. European institutions have given precedence to measures on financial and budgetary stability, thus marginalising social and employment policies. The only promising developments, the 'new places' in labour law, must be searched in the new synergies among employment and cohesion policies. National and subnational levels of decison-making should be favoured in order to attain the delivery of new partnership agreements, supported by European structural funds.

Il lavoro a termine nella giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia [Jurisprudence in the Court of Justice]. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 93/2012

The paper analyzes the ECJ case law on fixed-term work, with specific regard to non-regression clause, measures to prevent abuses and the principle of non-discrimination. In particular, the Author points out that the principle of non-discrimination is to be regarded as being the core of the fixed-term work regulation; in this respect, especially in more recent judgments, the Court seems to maximize the scope of such principle.

L’Europa sociale e il diritto: il contributo del metodo comparato [Social Europe and the law: the contribution of the comparative method]. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 94/2012

The essay explores the evolution of comparative law and the contribution of its more recent methodological results on the process of European social integration through law. The analysis of the comparative method in general glides on a discipline, such a as labour law, traditionally linked to the "nomos" of the nation state and looks at the process of its own supranationalization through the lens which is the comparative method; a method used mainly by the juridical format (national and supranational courts). The analysis focuses on the fixed term contract and on the vexing question of collective social fundamental rights vis a vis fundamental economic freedoms in the EU where national constitutional traditions and supranational principals risk collision due also to the comparative method.

Diritti sociali e crisi del costituzionalismo europeo [Social rights and the crisis of European constitutionalism]. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 95/2012

In the face of what looks like a real impasse of the the line of European constitutionalism, partly due to an orientation of the Court of Justice which tends to favor the protection of economic freedoms over the protection of social rights, two opposing trends occurr. The first amounts to a new "constitutional patriotism"; the second entrusts the protection of fundamental social rights no longer to a single Chart or to a single court but to a multi-level system of protection. A dialogue between the European courts that truly valorizes fundamental rights, however, might be hindered by what someone has seen as a resurgence of the dualist theories, evident in an ECJ’s decision as Kadi.

Políticas europeas para la competitividad, salarios mìnimos y tutela del poder adquisitivo de las retribuciones en Italia tras el acuerdo de noviembre de 2012 [European Policies for competitiveness, minimum wages and purchasing power protection in Italy after the November 2012 agreement]. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 99/2013

On the floor of the Global Wage Report 2012/2013 by ILO, entitled Wages and equitable growth, the A. thinks that the wage regulation has to take into account competitiveness without compressing global aggregate demand. Therefore, International and European rules are necessary to avoid the spiral towards the wages dampen, which is bad for the economic development. The rules in action at the different levels are inadequate. The A. proposes an interpretation of Article 153 and Article 155 TFEU that is more suitable for a European regulation promoting better minimum wages and more coherent with the current legal framework of the right to pay, which can be considered, even if partially, as a social right.

Cittadinanza, lavoro e diritti sociali nella crisi europea = Citizenship, work and social rights in the European crisis. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 100/2013

This paper explores the limits and potentials of European citizenship as a transnational form of social integration, taking as comparison Marshall's classical analysis of the historical development of social rights in the context of the national Welfare State. It is submitted that this potential is currently frustrated by the prevailing negative-integration dimension in which the interplay between Union citizenship and national systems of Welfare State takes place. This negative dimension pervades the entire case law of the Court of Justice on Union citizenship, even becoming dominant – after the famous Viking and Laval judgements – in the ways in which the judges in Luxembourg have built, and limited, what in Marshall’s terms might be called the European collective dimension of “industrial citizenship”. The new architecture of the economic and monetary governance of the Union, based as it is on an unprecedented effort towards a creeping constitutionalisation of a neo-liberal politics of austerity and welfare retrenchment, is destined to strengthen the de-structuring pressures on the industrial-relation and social protection systems of the member States. The conclusions sum-up the main critical arguments and make some suggestions for an alternative path for re-politicising the social question in Europe.

Fundamental Rights of workers in the Digital Age: A methodological approach from a case study. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 89/2011

The relationship between employer and worker is not only obligatory but above all, as Sinzheimer said, a ‘relationship of power’. In the Digital Age this statement is confirmed by the massive introduction of ICT in most of the companies that increase, in practice, employer’s supervisory powers. This is a worrying issue for two reasons: on one hand, ICT emerge as a new way to weaken the effectiveness of fundamental rights and the right to dignity of workers; and, on the other hand, Spanish legal system does not offer appropriate solutions to ensure that efficacy. Moreover, in a scenario characterized by a hybridization of legal systems models –in which traditional hard law methods are combined with soft law and self regulation instruments–, the role of our case law has become very important in this issue. Nevertheless, despite the increase of judicialization undergone, solutions offered by Courts are so different that do not give enough legal certainty. Facing this situation, I suggest a methodological approach –using Alchourron and Bulygin’s normative systems theory and Alexy’s fundamental rights theory– which can open new spaces of decision to legal operators in order to solve properly these problems. This proposal can allow setting a policy that guarantees fundamental rights of workers, deepening their human freedom in companies from the Esping-Andersen’s de-commodification perspective. With this purpose, I examine electronic communications in the company as a case study.

La disoccupazione giovanile in tempo di crisi: un monito all’Europa (continentale) per rifondare il diritto del lavoro? = Youth Unemployment in Recessionary Times: a Caveat to (Continental) Europe to Reconstruct its Labour Law. WP C.S.D.L.E. "Massimo D'Antona" .INT - 91/2012

The current debate taking place in continental Europe on the need to reform labour law to reduce the duality between labour market insiders and outsiders, thus giving new employment opportunities to young people seems to be, at its best, a consequence of the crisis, or at its worst, an excuse. The considerable emphasis placed on the power of legislation to reduce youth unemployment prevents real labour market problems from being clearly identified, thus reducing the scope to adopt more effective measures. Action is certainly required to help young people during the current crisis, yet interventions should not be exclusively directed towards increased flexibility and deregulation. This paper questions the “thaumaturgic power” wrongly attributed to legislative interventions and put forward a more holistic approach to solve the problem of youth employment, by focusing on the education systems, school-to-work transition and industrial relations. As a comparative analysis demonstrates, in order to effectively tackle the issue of youth employment, it is not enough to reform labour law. High quality education systems, apprenticeship schemes, efficient placement and employment services, cooperative industrial relations and flexible wage determination mechanisms are the key to success when it comes to youth employment, not only in times of recession.

Flexicurity e valorizzazione delle capability: l'impulso alla ri-regolamentazione del lavoro a termine = Flexicurity and enhancement of work capability: the impulse to re-regulation of labor. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 97/2012

The paper analyzes the evolution of the concept of flexicurity in the european context. In this perspective, flexicurity is expressed through the language of the policies, showing an inherent weakness in influencing national reform processes. The essay compare also with the possibility of a re-reading of flexicurity policies, in the light of the theory of capabilities developed by Amartya Sen.

l bilanciamento tra le libertà economiche e i diritti sociali collettivi operato dalla Corte di Giustizia è un contemperamento tra diritti equiordinati?* = The balance between economic freedoms and collective social rights and actions; Court of Justice is a choice between rights equiordinati? Actions by the Court of Justice. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 98/2012

In the Viking and Laval judgments and more recently in the Comm. v. Germany ruling, the Court of Justice applied the proportionality test to collective rights, setting a series of restrictions to the exercise of the right to strike and the right to collective bargaining. The way the ECJ balances the economic freedoms and the social rights is indeed very different from that of the Italian Constitutional Court. Unlike the European Union Treaties, the Italian Constitution recognizes an important role to the right to take collective action which has to be connected with article 3, paragraph 2, consequently the right of strike is more protected than the exercise of economic freedoms.