856 resultados para Hugo Chávez. Venezuela. Veja magazine. Media. News coverage.Manipulation. Disqualification policy
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The aim of this paper is to present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of the Polish print media. Sharing the codebook and procedures with an international team, we were able to gain a broad perspective on the media coverage of the first Polish EU presidency. In particular, we focused on: (1) the number of items covering events related to the presidency, (2) the prominence of the topic, (3) genres, (4) main topics, (5) authors of news, (6) authors of opinions, and (7) the way Polish journalists evaluated Poland’s performance during the EU presidency. The findings showed that although Polish print press reported the first Polish EU presidency, the topic’s prominence was not very high. Media organizations rather rarely presented the topic on the front page and they did not change their regular editorial policy. Most of the news items, as well as opinions and comments, were written by staff members. Furthermore, journalists seemed to be more interested in the opinions of national politicians, rather than experts. As a result, the framework of the coverage was predominantly domestic. Journalists working for daily newspapers focused mostly on providing news and their own interpretations of the reported events. On the contrary weekly magazines provided comments and interviews, but again, most of the opinions were expressed by their own journalists and editors.
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Advances in digital photography and distribution technologies enable many people to produce and distribute images of their sex acts. When teenagers do this, the photos and videos they create can be legally classified as child pornography since the law makes no exception for youth who create sexually explicit images of themselves. The dominant discussions about teenage girls producing sexually explicit media (including sexting) are profoundly unproductive: (1) they blame teenage girls for creating private images that another person later maliciously distributed and (2) they fail to respect—or even discuss—teenagers’ rights to freedom of expression. Cell phones and the internet make producing and distributing images extremely easy, which provide widely accessible venues for both consensual sexual expression between partners and for sexual harassment. Dominant understandings view sexting as a troubling teenage trend created through the combination of camera phones and adolescent hormones and impulsivity, but this view often conflates consensual sexting between partners with the malicious distribution of a person’s private image as essentially equivalent behaviors. In this project, I ask: What is the role of assumptions about teen girls’ sexual agency in these problematic understandings of sexting that blame victims and deny teenagers’ rights? In contrast to the popular media panic about online predators and the familiar accusation that youth are wasting their leisure time by using digital media, some people champion the internet as a democratic space that offers young people the opportunity to explore identities and develop social and communication skills. Yet, when teen girls’ sexuality enters this conversation, all this debate and discussion narrows to a problematic consensus. The optimists about adolescents and technology fall silent, and the argument that media production is inherently empowering for girls does not seem to apply to a girl who produces a sexually explicit image of herself. Instead, feminist, popular, and legal commentaries assert that she is necessarily a victim: of a “sexualized” mass media, pressure from her male peers, digital technology, her brain structures or hormones, or her own low self-esteem and misplaced desire for attention. Why and how are teenage girls’ sexual choices produced as evidence of their failure or success in achieving Western liberal ideals of self-esteem, resistance, and agency? Since mass media and policy reactions to sexting have so far been overwhelmingly sexist and counter-productive, it is crucial to interrogate the concepts and assumptions that characterize mainstream understandings of sexting. I argue that the common sense that is co-produced by law and mass media underlies the problematic legal and policy responses to sexting. Analyzing a range of nonfiction texts including newspaper articles, talk shows, press releases, public service announcements, websites, legislative debates, and legal documents, I investigate gendered, racialized, age-based, and technologically determinist common sense assumptions about teenage girls’ sexual agency. I examine the consensus and continuities that exist between news, nonfiction mass media, policy, institutions, and law, and describe the limits of their debates. I find that this early 21st century post-feminist girl-power moment not only demands that girls live up to gendered sexual ideals but also insists that actively choosing to follow these norms is the only way to exercise sexual agency. This is the first study to date examining the relationship of conventional wisdom about digital media and teenage girls’ sexuality to both policy and mass media.
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This dissertation examines how mainstream U.S. journalism consistently serves white racial interests and the racial status quo, or what I call white incumbency, despite its push for diversity and its stated aims to improve coverage of nonwhite communities. It is based on an in-depth ethnographic study of two daily newspapers and extensive one-on-one interviews with 61 journalists. I found that although journalists strongly identify with the need for more diverse coverage in newspapers, they emphasize individual and personal stories that avoid recognition of historical racial power imbalances, exhibiting what Ruth Frankenberg calls power-evasive race cognizance. Journalists also demonstrate a number of often contradictory identifications and self-understandings about themselves and their work, such as commitments to diversity and not taking sides, but these conflicts are almost always resolved in favor of white incumbency. Journalistic conventions and practices, such as the watchdog function and its emphasis on public institutions, routinely produce stories that replay and reinforce racial hegemony by portraying nonwhites as problems or people seeking “special privileges.” Also, journalistic repertoires about those conventions and practices avoid interrogations of journalists’ ongoing complicity in the maintenance of white incumbency.
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Tras el anuncio de Hugo Ch?vez, extinto Presidente venezolano, de su regreso a Cuba para someterse a un nuevo tratamiento m?dico ante la reaparici?n del c?ncer que lo aquejaba, el d?a 8 de diciembre de 2012; se gener? un estado de tensi?n e incertidumbre en Venezuela, situaci?n que capt? el inter?s de los medios y la opini?n p?blica de todo el mundo hacia el tema se?alado. Es en el marco de los momentos que vivi? el extinto Presidente venezolano es que se construy? a nivel medi?tico toda una serie de representaciones. Se realizaron m?ltiples textos de diferentes g?neros period?sticos, con diferentes niveles de profundidad, entre los que se destacan las columnas de opini?n y los editoriales. Los diferentes medios de comunicaci?n del mundo, entre los que se encuentran los colombianos como El Tiempo y El Espectador produjeron materiales noticiosos, audiovisuales, radiof?nicos y de prensa escrita bien sea impresa o virtual, encaminados a mostrar la realidad del periodo tanto de convalecencia como de la muerte del Presidente venezolano para ese momento, diciembre de 2012 a marzo de 2013. Las declaraciones de Hugo Ch?vez, al momento de su partida a Cuba y el manejo que le dieron a dicha informaci?n los diferentes medios de comunicaci?n como la prensa colombiana, son el objetivo del presente an?lisis; describir, a partir de la noci?n de mundo posible, el proceso de construcci?n de los sujetos discursivos en dos medios impresos de circulaci?n nacional, en relaci?n con la convalecencia del presidente Hugo Ch?vez Fr?as. La propuesta se enmarca en el an?lisis del discurso desde la Din?mica Enunciativa de Mart?nez y su propuesta integrativa, se basa adem?s en aportes de Charaudeau, Fairclough, entre otros y en el an?lisis de construcci?n de los sujetos discursivos desde la noci?n de mundos posibles de Umberto Eco.
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This article argues that there is a connection between civic cultures and literacy levels and that this relation is enhanced by knowledge, a willingness to be informed and civic participation. It is considered that those who are educated towards the news possess a greater awareness of information and news on civic life (Moeller, 2009) and on participation (Milner, 2009:187). To understand the social implications of the modern mediatized society and the repercussions for civic participation better, we used a sample of twelve youngsters with different types and intensities of participation and news consumption in Portugal. By understanding their journalistic and participative characters, we can better perceive their social contexts. In considering this, we have established two main questions: What is the youngsters’ level of news consumption and what is its relationship to their participation activities? How do both of these aspects relate to social relationships and the youngsters’ ability to interact and deal with news media? Keywords: Young people, news, participation, literacy
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El presente proyecto Creación e Implementación de una Revista Sociocultural en la parroquia San Miguel de Porotos del cantón Azogues, fue creado por dos estudiantes de la carrera de comunicación social con el principal objetivo de crear un vínculo comunicacional en la parroquia, y como un aporte a la conservación y difusión de la cultura. En su desarrollo se pone de manifiesto la combinación de los saberes teóricos adquiridos en la universidad con la práctica e inclusión en el campo de estudio, basado en investigación teórica complementada con la historia de la parroquia en estudio. Culturas y Tradiciones San Migueleñas, revista que abarca temas de índole cultural, religioso, social y deportivo, recoge historias innatas de los habitantes del lugar y pone en manifiesto la riqueza ancestral que posee su gente, la alfarería, el tejido de paja toquilla y su alto índice de catolicismo fueron las principales características para la elaboración de los artículos y fotografías publicados en la primera edición de este medio de comunicación. La apertura y colaboración de las autoridades parroquiales y pobladores permitieron la realización de este trabajo periodístico, el mismo que se forjó a base de entrevistas directas e involucramiento con la comunidad en diferentes espacios sociales y familiares.
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While a variety of crisis types loom as real risks for organizations and communities, and the media landscape continues to evolve, research is needed to help explain and predict how people respond to various kinds of crisis and disaster information. For example, despite the rising prevalence of digital and mobile media centered on still and moving visuals, and stark increases in Americans’ use of visual-based platforms for seeking and sharing disaster information, relatively little is known about how the presence or absence of disaster visuals online might prompt or deter resilience-related feelings, thoughts, and/or behaviors. Yet, with such insights, governmental and other organizational entities as well as communities themselves may best help individuals and communities prepare for, cope with, and recover from adverse events. Thus, this work uses the theoretical lens of the social-mediated crisis communication model (SMCC) coupled with the limited capacity model of motivated mediated message processing (LC4MP) to explore effects of disaster information source and visuals on viewers’ resilience-related responses to an extreme flooding scenario. Results from two experiments are reported. First a preliminary 2 (disaster information source: organization/US National Weather Service vs. news media/USA Today) x 2 (disaster visuals: no visual podcast vs. moving visual video) factorial between-subjects online experiment with a convenience sample of university students probes effects of crisis source and visuals on a variety of cognitive, affective, and behavioral outcomes. A second between-subjects online experiment manipulating still and moving visual pace in online videos (no visual vs. still, slow-pace visual vs. still, medium-pace visual vs. still, fast-pace visual vs. moving, slow-pace visual vs. moving, medium-pace visual vs. moving, fast-pace visual) with a convenience sample recruited from Amazon’s Mechanical Turk (mTurk) similarly probes a variety of potentially resilience-related cognitive, affective, and behavioral outcomes. The role of biological sex as a quasi-experimental variable is also investigated in both studies. Various implications for community resilience and recommendations for risk and disaster communicators are explored. Implications for theory building and future research are also examined. Resulting modifications of the SMCC model (i.e., removing “message strategy” and adding the new category of “message content elements” under organizational considerations) are proposed.
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The topic of the thesis is media discourse about current state if income inequality in the US, and political ideologies as influences behind the discourse. The data consists of four opinion articles, two from CNN and two from Fox News. The purpose of the study was to examine how media represents income inequality as an issue, and if the attitudes conveyed are concerned or indifferent. Previous studies have indicated that the level of income is often seen as a personal responsibility, and such perspective can be linked with Republican ideology. In contrast, the Democrats typically express more concern about the consequences of inequality. CNN has been previously considered to have a Democratic bias, and Fox News has been considered to have Republican bias, which is one reason why these two news channels were chosen as the sources of the data. The study is a critical discourse analysis, and the methods applied were sociocognitive approach, which analyzes the social and cognitive factors affecting the discourse, and appraisal framework, which was applied to scrutinize the expressed attitudes more closely by identifyind specific linguistic features. The appraisal framework includes studying such features as affect, judgment and appreciation, which offer a more detailed analysis on the attitudes present in the articles. The sociocognitive approach, additionally, offers a way of analyzing a more broad context affecting the articles. The findings were then compared, to see if there are differences between the articles, or between the news sites with alleged bias. The findings showed that CNN, with alleged Democratic bias, had a more symphatetic attitude towards income inequality, whereas Fox News, with more Republican views, showed clearly less concern towards the issue. Moreover, the Fox News articles had such dubious claims that the underlying ideology behind the articles could be even supporting of income inequality, as it allows the rich to pursue all the wealth they can without having to give anything away. The results, thus, suggest that the political ideologies may a significant effect on media discourse, which, in turn, may have a significant effect on the attitudes of the public towards great issues that could require prompt measures.
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The purpose of this investigation was to evaluate body image dissatisfaction in relation to low self-esteem due to physical appearance in students of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Los Andes in Mérida, Venezuela. It was a non-experimental and correlational study. The sample included 189 students (27% male and 73% female) with an average age of 19.58 ± 1.57 (men: 19.81 years of age ± 1.74 and women: 20.24 years of age ± 1.76). Participants were intentionally selected from first-year courses of the Medicine, Nursing and Nutrition programs. The Body Shape Questionnaire (BSQ) (Cooper and Taylor, 1987) was the instrument used to measure body image dissatisfaction and Graffar’s modified method (Méndez and De Méndez, 1994) was applied to determine the participants’ socioeconomic status. A descriptive analysis (frequency, percentages, mean) and an inferential analysis (one-way ANOVA) were applied to the data using SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) version 9.0. One of the most important findings in this study was the determination of a statistically significant relationship between dissatisfaction and body image and between low self-esteem and gender χ2 (2, N= 189) = 9.686, p=0.008. Using ANOVA also helped determine that differences in the mean for dissatisfaction and low self-esteem levels with body image and gender are statistically significant, F= 11.236; p=0.008, F=10.23; p=0.002, respectively. Conclusions: results obtained suggest a relationship between dissatisfaction and low self-esteem due to physical appearance. Consequently, subjects reject their body image because of a distorted or undistorted perception of their physical appearance, which can possibly affect self-esteem. Moreover, it is observed that the students’ psychological health is more related to their satisfaction with their body-image than to the way their body image is perceived. Consequently, this group of participants must be analyzed regarding their self-esteem due to body image, as an expression in the institutional environment. It is also important to emphasize that gender may be a risk factor concerning eating disorders. We believe the foregoing because women showed higher dissatisfaction levels because of their physical appearance being conditioned by a higher dissatisfaction with their perceived body image, which is characterized by an overestimation of the physical dimension of their body image.
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Los movimientos sociales son uno de los motores del cambio social. Organizaciones como la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) denuncian injusticias y cuestionan la construcción de significados sociales a través del discurso. Impulsan estrategias de automediación para, especialmente a través de las redes sociales, influir en la agenda mediática y el debate público. Mediante un análisis crítico del discurso cualitativo, nuestro objetivo es conocer si la PAH introduce sus temas y encuadres en la agenda mediática. Los resultados demuestran que este movimiento activista logra condicionar de qué se habla y también cómo se habla, obteniendo una cobertura favorable.
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La investigación nace de la inquietud de poder proporcionar a la Oficina de Auditoría Interna del Ministerio de Educación, una herramienta útil que consista en una serie de lineamientos que puedan ser aplicados cuando se realice una auditoría de gestión en la administración de los recursos financieros a los Consejos Directivos Escolares de las Instituciones Nacionales de Educación Media. En El Salvador a través de los esfuerzos de modernización de la Corte de Cuentas de la República, se desarrollaron las primeras auditorías del sector gubernamental, con el propósito de evaluar la eficiencia, eficacia y economía de sus recursos, no obstante en nuestro medio la auditoría de gestión no es muy practicada debido a la falta de personal especializado en esta área. La metodología utilizada en la investigación se enmarcó dentro del método cuantitativo descriptivo, ya que se consideró el propósito y el alcance del trabajo desarrollado, presentando también conceptos y aspectos generales de los Consejos Directivos Escolares. Esta investigación fue desarrollada en el área metropolitana de San Salvador, estableciendo el universo en trece Consejos Directivos Escolares ubicados dentro de las Instituciones Nacionales de Educación Media. Para la recopilación de la información, se diseñó un cuestionario dirigido a los Consejos Escolares, enfocándose principalmente en la administración de los recursos financieros. Los datos obtenidos de la investigación fueron analizados, tabulados y presentados a través de gráficas con sus respectivas interpretaciones. El análisis e interpretación de los resultados obtenidos de la investigación de campo, sirvió de guía para la elaboración de lineamientos para la Oficina de Autoría Interna del Ministerio de Educación. Finalmente se presentan las conclusiones y recomendaciones del trabajo de investigación, las cuales serán muy importantes a tomar en cuenta por parte de la Oficina de Auditoría Interna del Ministerio de Educación.
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Les médias n’offrent pas une réflexion objective des évènements et de la société. Ils emploient plutôt des cadres afin de construire la nouvelle. Les journaux suivent un style de contenu axé sur le marché, ce qui résulte entre autres en la construction d’une « histoire » pouvant mieux rejoindre leurs lectorats. Bien que des études sur la représentation des crimes et criminels dans les médias soient nombreuses, celles portant sur la représentation du système judiciaire sont plutôt rares. Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre comment les médias ont présenté le système judiciaire lors des procédures intentées contre Guy Turcotte, un procès durant lequel le système judiciaire a été fortement discuté et critiqué. Cette affaire judiciaire a été reprise par plusieurs politiciens pour proposer des réformes populistes misant sur des modifications de notre système de justice ou visant une plus grande sévérité face à ce type de crime. Le présent mémoire cherche à vérifier si les médias ont contribué à ce populisme pénal en utilisant des stratégies populistes lors de la présentation de l’affaire judiciaire. De manière plus précise, le mémoire décrit comment les aspects judiciaires et légaux sont représentés dans les médias, et ce, grâce à des analyses quantitatives et qualitatives effectuées sur 239 articles publiés entre 2009 et 2012 dans le Journal de Montréal (JM) et La Presse (LP). Ces journaux sont reconnus pour avoir des lignes éditoriales différentes et un lectorat distinct. Le mémoire analyse le contenu des articles de journaux et cherche à différencier les stratégies de présentation utilisées par les médias selon la période judiciaire (avant, pendant ou après procès) et le type de journal. Le contenu des articles est analysé à travers le prisme des théories sur les stratégies de populisme pénal retrouvées dans les discours politiques. Ces analyses mettent en lumière la présence de stratégies telles que l’emploi d’émotion, les simplifications excessives, le discrédit des experts et la polarisation, lesquelles sont davantage mises de l’avant dans le Journal de Montréal et en l’absence de nouvelles informations (durant la période après le procès). Les analyses révèlent également que les médias ont parfois recours à des stratégies que l’on qualifie d’anti-populistes, comme ce fut le cas pour La Presse, qui a proposé une couverture médiatique de cette affaire qui rompt avec plusieurs des stratégies associées au populisme pénal.