908 resultados para Feeling of powerlessness


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The objective of this study was to assess implant therapy after a staged guided bone regeneration procedure in the anterior maxilla by lateralization of the nasopalatine nerve and vessel bundle. Neurosensory function following augmentative procedures and implant placement, assessed using a standardized questionnaire and clinical examination, were the primary outcome variables measured. This retrospective study included patients with a bone defect in the anterior maxilla in need of horizontal and/or vertical ridge augmentation prior to dental implant placement. The surgical sites were allowed to heal for at least 6 months before placement of dental implants. All patients received fixed implant-supported restorations and entered into a tightly scheduled maintenance program. In addition to the maintenance program, patients were recalled for a clinical examination and to fill out a questionnaire to assess any changes in the neurosensory function of the nasopalatine nerve at least 6 months after function. Twenty patients were included in the study from February 2001 to December 2010. They received a total of 51 implants after augmentation of the alveolar crest and lateralization of the nasopalatine nerve. The follow-up examination for questionnaire and neurosensory assessment was scheduled after a mean period of 4.18 years of function. None of the patients examined reported any pain, they did not have less or an altered sensation, and they did not experience a "foreign body" feeling in the area of surgery. Overall, 6 patients out of 20 (30%) showed palatal sensibility alterations of the soft tissues in the region of the maxillary canines and incisors resulting in a risk for a neurosensory change of 0.45 mucosal teeth regions per patient after ridge augmentation with lateralization of the nasopalatine nerve. Regeneration of bone defects in the anterior maxilla by horizontal and/or vertical ridge augmentation and lateralization of the nasopalatine nerve prior to dental implant placement is a predictable surgical technique. Whether or not there were clinically measurable impairments of neurosensory function, the patients did not report them or were not bothered by them.

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Subjects were tested while walking on a tradmill for 11 days in a row at sub-maximal levels for 90 minutes the heat. After the 10th day, subjects were kept awake for 24 hours before being tested in a state of sleep deprivation on the 11th day. Subjects rated their perceived exertion, thirst levels, and thermal sensations at regular intervals before, during, and after exercise each day. The changes in RPE, thirst, and thermal sensations were examined to determine the progression of heat acclimation and to observe changes in the subjects' perceived workloads. While subjects were significantly less thirsty on day 10 than when beginning the study on day 1, no significant changes occured in regards to thermal sensations or RPE values. On the 11th day, these variables were again observed in order to examine the effects of sleep deprivation on the adaptations of heat acclimation. After 28 hours of sleep loss, subjects rated themselves as feeling significantly more thristy after exercise than they had on day 10, yet again there was no significant change in thermal sensations or RPE values. Throughout the study, RPE and thermal sensation ratings seemed to be closely linked while sensations of thirst fluctuated independently.

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Background. At present, prostate cancer screening (PCS) guidelines require a discussion of risks, benefits, alternatives, and personal values, making decision aids an important tool to help convey information and to help clarify values. Objective: The overall goal of this study is to provide evidence of the reliability and validity of a PCS anxiety measure and the Decisional Conflict Scale (DCS). Methods. Using data from a randomized, controlled PCS decision aid trial that measured PCS anxiety at baseline and DCS at baseline (T0) and at two-weeks (T2), four psychometric properties were assessed: (1) internal consistency reliability, indicated by factor analysis intraclass correlations and Cronbach's α; (2) construct validity, indicated by patterns of Pearson correlations among subscales; (3) discriminant validity, indicated by the measure's ability to discriminate between undecided men and those with a definite screening intention; and (4) factor validity and invariance using confirmatory factor analyses (CFA). Results. The PCS anxiety measure had adequate internal consistency reliability and good construct and discriminant validity. CFAs indicated that the 3-factor model did not have adequate fit. CFAs for a general PCS anxiety measure and a PSA anxiety measure indicated adequate fit. The general PCS anxiety measure was invariant across clinics. The DCS had adequate internal consistency reliability except for the support subscale and had adequate discriminate validity. Good construct validity was found at the private clinic, but was only found for the feeling informed subscale at the public clinic. The traditional DCS did not have adequate fit at T0 or at T2. The alternative DCS had adequate fit at T0 but was not identified at T2. Factor loadings indicated that two subscales, feeling informed and feeling clear about values, were not distinct factors. Conclusions. Our general PCS anxiety measure can be used in PCS decision aid studies. The alternative DCS may be appropriate for men eligible for PCS. Implications: More emphasis needs to be placed on the development of PCS anxiety items relating to testing procedures. We recommend that the two DCS versions be validated in other samples of men eligible for PCS and in other health care decisions that involve uncertainty. ^

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A child with a birth defect places physical, financial and emotional stress upon the family. The purpose of this study was to assess the impact of a mildly handicapped child on the family's coping abilities.^ Two groups, 101 mothers of children with birth defects and 107 mothers of intact children, completed the Holroyd Questionnaire on Resources and Stress and the Luborsky Social Assets Scale. From these groups, 86 pairs were matched on four factors: the age (two to eight years) and sex of the study child and the mother's education and marital status.^ The children with birth defects had completed the diagnostic evaluation at the Meyer Center for Developmental Pediatrics, Texas Children's Hospital. Children with severe defects were excluded. The mean I.Q of the group was 88, s.d. 17; 17 children were mildly retarded and 35 had an I.Q. of 100 or above; areas of dysfunction included motor abnormalities, behavior disturbance, speech problems, and sensory impairments.^ The expected direction and statistically significant differences were obtained from the data for the matched pairs on the Q.R.S. scales. The mothers of children with a birth defect reported poor health, a negative attitude toward the child, being over-protective, financial problems and feeling a lack of social support and family integration. They perceived the child as socially obtrusive, limited as to occupational opportunities, and as having a difficult personality.^ The functioning levels of the handicapped children contributed to the respondent's problems. The child with behavior and speech problems but adequate intelligence was a situation which resulted in a poor health/mood of the mother. The mother's pessimism was related to the child's low intelligence.^ The social assets of the respondents with intact children were significantly higher than those of respondents of handicapped children. There was no relationship between the total social assets score and the scores on the Q.R.S. for mothers of handicapped children. These mothers did report poorer physical conditions, more smoking, and quarreling of their parents as they grew up. ^

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This investigation focused on how people cope with the demands of their environment in a competent manner. It sought to assess the effects of learning competent coping behaviors on self-reported well-being. The study chose a community-evolved, organized effort on the part of a group of neighborhoods to build competence in the Mexican-American community of East Los Angeles. This network was a citizen-action organization called the United Neighborhoods Organization. UNO was selected because it concentrated on developing community leaders by using spiritual beliefs and family values as shared community resources. Neighborhood leaders were encouraged to engage in risk-taking and confrontation maneuvers. They were also taught problem-solving skills and provided with social support.^ A survey instrument was developed to assess sociodemographic characteristics, acculturation history and status, willingness to engage in risk-taking and confrontation and self-perceived general well-being. The study relied on eight months of daily participant-observation of the organization, the East Los Angeles environment and the interaction between the two. At the end of the observation period, a sample of 150 UNO participants were given the survey questionnaire as was a matched group of 150 non-UNO participants who were ELA residents.^ The study sample was mostly women, in their middle age years who had lived in the area from 5 to more than 30 years. Significantly more single persons were found in the UNO group. The sample was almost equally divided into English and Spanish speaking respondents. Acculturatively almost all the sample fell in the Very Mexican and Mostly Mexican types. The survey found a trend of association between participating in UNO and reporting feeling well. A statistically significant association was found among UNO participants between taking risks and reporting feeling well, regardless of a tendency for all the sample to minimize risk. A trend was seen for married UNO participants to report feeling well. Slightly more UNO participants were willing to engage in confrontation and a substantial proportion of the participants who were confronters reported feeling well in comparison to their counterparts. Ethnic pride was positively associated with participation in UNO and showed a trend in the expected direction with reported self-perceived well-being. ^

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Prenatal genetic counseling patients have the ability to choose from a myriad of screening and diagnostic testing options, each with intricacies and caveats regarding accuracy and timing. Decisions regarding such testing can be difficult and are often made on the same day that testing is performed. Therefore, it is reasonable to consider that the support people brought to an appointment may have a role in the decision-making process. We aimed to better define this potential role by examining the incoming knowledge and expectations of support people who attended prenatal genetic counseling appointments. Support people were asked to complete a survey at one of seven Houston area prenatal clinics. The survey included questions regarding demographics, relationship to patient, incoming knowledge of the appointment, expectations of decision-making and perceived levels of influence over the decisions that would be made during the counseling session. The majority (79.4%) of the 252 participants were spouses/partners. Overall, there was poor knowledge of the referral indications with only 33.5% of participants correctly identifying the patient’s indication. Participants had even poorer knowledge of testing options that would be offered during the session, as only 17.7% were able to correctly identify testing options that would be discussed during the genetic counseling session. Of participants, just 3.6% said that they did not want to be included in discussions about screening/testing options. Only a few participants thought that they had less influence over decisions related to the pregnancy than over non-pregnancy decisions. Participants who reported feeling like they had a higher level of influence were likely to attend more of the pregnancy-related appointments with the patient. Findings from this study have provided insight into the perspective of support persons and have identified gaps in knowledge that may exist between the patients and the people they choose to bring with them into the genetic counseling session. In addition, this study is a starting point to assess how much the support people think that they impact the decision-making process of prenatal genetic counseling patients versus how much the prenatal patients value the input of the support people.

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La Directiva 2003/10/CE del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, del 6 de febrero de 2003, específica con arreglo al apartado 1 del artículo 16 de la Directiva 89/391/CEE las disposiciones mínimas de seguridad y de salud relativas a la exposición de los trabajadores a los riesgos derivados de los agentes físicos (ruido). En la industria musical, y en concreto en los músicos de orquesta, una exposición de más de ocho horas al día a un nivel de presión sonora de 80dB(A) o más es algo muy común. Esta situación puede causar a los trabajadores daños auditivos como la hiperacusia, hipoacusia, tinitus o ruptura de la membrana basilar entre otros. Esto significa que deben tomarse medidas para implementar las regulaciones de la forma más razonable posible para que la interpretación del músico, la dinámica y el concepto musical que se quiere transmitir al público se vea lo menos afectada posible. Para reducir la carga auditiva de los músicos de orquesta frente a fuertes impactos sonoros provenientes de los instrumentos vecinos, se está investigando sobre el uso de unos paneles acústicos que colocados en puntos estratégicos de la orquesta pueden llegar a reducir el impacto sonoro sobre el oído hasta 20dB. Los instrumentos de viento metal y de percusión son los responsables de la mayor emisión de presión sonora. Para proteger el oído de los músicos frente a estos impactos, se colocan los paneles en forma de barrera entre dichos instrumentos y los músicos colocados frente a ellos. De esta forma se protege el oído de los músicos más afectados. Para ver el efecto práctico que producen estos paneles en un conjunto orquestal, se realizan varias grabaciones en los ensayos y conciertos de varias orquestas. Los micrófonos se sitúan a la altura del oído y a una distancia de no más de 10cm de la oreja de varios de los músicos más afectados y de los músicos responsables de la fuerte emisión sonora. De este modo se puede hacer una comparación de los niveles de presión sonora que percibe cada músico y evaluar las diferencias de nivel existentes entre ambos. Así mismo se utilizan configuraciones variables de los paneles para comparar las diferencias de presión sonora que existen entre las distintas posibilidades de colocarlos y decidir así sobre la mejor ubicación y configuración de los mismos. A continuación, una vez obtenidos las muestras de audio y los diferentes archivos de datos medidos con un analizador de audio en distintas posiciones de la orquesta, todo ello se calibra y analiza utilizando un programa desarrollado en Matlab, para evaluar el efecto de los paneles sobre la percepción auditiva de los músicos, haciendo especial hincapié en el análisis de las diferencias de nivel de presión sonora (SPL). Mediante el cálculo de la envolvente de las diferencias de nivel, se evalúa de un modo estadístico el efecto de atenuación de los paneles acústicos en los músicos de orquesta. El método está basado en la probabilidad estadística de varias muestras musicales ya que al tratarse de música tocada en directo, la dinámica y la sincronización entre los músicos varía según el momento en que se toque. Estos factores junto con el hecho de que la partitura de cada músico es diferente dificulta la comparación entre dos señales grabadas en diferentes puntos de la orquesta. Se necesita por lo tanto de varias muestras musicales para evaluar el efecto de atenuación de los paneles en las distintas configuraciones mencionadas anteriormente. El estudio completo del efecto de los paneles como entorno que influye en los músicos de orquesta cuando están sobre el escenario, tiene como objetivo la mejora de sus condiciones de trabajo. Abstract For several years, the European Union has been adopting many laws and regulations to protect and give more security to people who are exposed to some risk in their job. Being exposed to a loud sound pressure level during many hours in the job runs the risk of hearing damage. Particularly in the field of music, the ear is the most important working tool. Not taking care of the ear can cause some damage such as hearing loss, tinnitus, hyperacusis, diplacusis, etc. This could have an impact on the efficiency and satisfaction of the musicians when they are playing, which could also cause stress problems. Orchestra musicians, as many other workers in this sector, are usually exposed to a sound level of 80dB(A) or more during more than eight hours per day. It means that they must satisfy the law and their legal obligations to avoid health problems proceeding from their job. Putting into practice the new regulations is a challenge for orchestras. They must make sure that the repertoire, with its dynamic, balance and feeling, is not affected by the reduction of sound levels imposed by the law. This study tries to investigate the benefits and disadvantages of using shields as a hearing protector during rehearsals and orchestral concerts.

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Purpose: It determines if participating in sports and/or physical activity influences perceived health among the elderly. Basic procedures: Data were drawn from a population subsample of subjects aged 65 - 79 years old that took part in a survey conducted in 2008 by the IESA-CSIC. A regression model was performed with perceived health status with the dependent variable and sociodemographic characteristics and physical activity as independent variables. Results: Physical activity is closely associated to per-ceived health, although sport has little influence on this relationship. Conclusions: Doing exercise or feeling that one is physically active makes the elderly feel better about their health status. However, this age group practises few sports and sport is not found to have an important or constant influence on self-perceived health status among the elderly.

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¿La gente utiliza la bicicleta porque les gusta? ¿O es el propio hecho de usarla la razón por la que les gusta hacerlo? ¿O es una combinación de las dos? Este tipo de preguntas reflejan un problema que se puede llamar ‘el círculo de la consideración de la bicicleta’: para poder considerar el uso de la bicicleta en el conjunto de posibles opciones a escoger, un individuo tiene que tener creencias positivas sobre ella, sobre todo en el caso de ‘contextos de bajo uso’. Pero parece poco probable que se formen creencias positivas cuando hay bajos niveles de familiaridad al modo, es decir, con un bajo conocimiento de sus características, su funcionamiento y del imaginario asociado; al mismo tiempo, la familiaridad irá alcanzando niveles más altos conforme aumente el tiempo y la intensidad con la que se utilice la bicicleta a lo largo de la vida de los individuos. El problema parece un circulo recursivo huevo-gallina, ya que es difícil que alguien considere el usar la bicicleta en lugares donde su uso es una práctica poco extendida. En estos lugares, y dentro del conglomerado actual de tecnologías, infraestructuras, reglas, prácticas de los usuarios y preferencias culturales que se han desarrollado alrededor del automóvil (el actual "sistema socio-técnico de la movilidad urbana", Urry 2004; Geels 2005, 2012) usar la bicicleta es considerado por la mayoría como algo difícil, inseguro, y anormal. Como consecuencia, los procesos de aumento de familiaridad con la bicicleta permanecen inactivos. La tesis asume la familiaridad como una fuente de información e influencia sobre las creencias positivas sobre la bicicleta. En ‘contextos de bajo uso’, sin familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta, estas creencias sólo pueden surgir de ciertos rasgos personales (afecto, valores, identidades, voluntad, etc.). Tal como han evidenciado investigaciones recientes, en estos contextos la posibilidad de considerar el uso de la bicicleta (y su eventual adopción), se circunscribe principalmente a los ‘entusiastas’, a los que están dispuestos a “ir contra corriente” (Horton & Parkin 2012), limitando el alcance de las políticas de promoción. La investigación llevada a cabo en esta tesis ofrece un nuevo enfoque al problema del ‘círculo de la consideración de la bicicleta’. Para ello, plantea un modelo en el que se introduce a la familiaridad como un constructo que media entre el comportamiento final –qué modo de transporte elige el individuo– y el conjunto de constructos psicosociales que preceden la elección modal (creencias y actitudes). La familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta se concibe como una medida de la intensidad relativa del uso de una bicicleta, real y percibida (basándose en Diana & Mokhtarian 2009) que puede formarse de manera distinta según sus fines (utilitarios o no utilitarios). El constructo familiaridad con el modo bicicleta está relacionado con la cantidad de tiempo, la intensidad y la regularidad con la que un individuo ha hecho uso de la bicicleta a lo largo de su vida. La familiaridad se concibe así como una condición que permite definir adecuadamente el contexto en el que se toman las decisiones modales de los individuos, en línea con investigaciones que postulan patrones de causalidad alternativos entre los procesos cognitivos de elección y los comportamientos modales (Tardif 1977; Dobson et al. 1978; Golob et al. 1979; Golob 2001; Schwanen et al. 2012; Diana et al. 2009; Vij & Walker 2014). De este modo se plantea que el esquema unidireccional actitudesconductas podría no ser completamente valido en el caso de la consideración de la bicicleta, explorando la hipótesis que sean las propias conductas a influenciar la formación de las actitudes. En esta tesis, el constructo de familiaridad se articula teórica y metodológicamente, y se emplea un instrumento de diseño transversal para contrastarlo. Los resultados de una encuesta telefónica a una muestra representativa de 736 personas en la ciudad española de Vitoria-Gasteiz proveen evidencias que sugieren –aunque de forma preliminar– que la familiaridad juega un papel de mediadora en la relación entre la utilización de la bicicleta y la formación de las creencias y actitudes hacia el su uso. La tesis emplea mediciones para cada individuo con respecto tanto a su consideración como a su familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta. Éstas mediciones se definen haciendo uso del análisis factorial exploratorio (AFE). Por un lado, el AFE arroja una estructura del constructo ‘consideración’ formada por cuatro factores, tres de ellos asociados con elementos positivos y uno con elementos negativos: (1) de cómo el uso de la bicicleta se considera verde e inteligente (G&S); (2) sobre su carácter agradable y adecuado (P&S); (3) sobre su eficacia como modo de transporte para ir al trabajo (E); y (4) sobre los principales inconvenientes de su uso, es decir, las dificultades implícitas (sudoración y estar expuestos a las inclemencias del tiempo) y la sensación de inseguridad que genera (sentirse en riesgo de accidentes y estresarse por el tráfico) (D&T). Por otro lado, la familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta se mide en dos distintas variables ordinales (según se base en el uso utilitario o no utilitario). Como resultado, se puede hablar de que cada individuo se encuentra en una de las siguientes cuatro etapas en orden creciente hacia una familiaridad completa al modo: no familiarizados; apenas familiarizados; moderadamente familiarizados; totalmente familiarizados. El análisis de los datos de los cuatro grupos de sujetos de la muestra, –definidos de acuerdo con cada una de las cuatro etapas de familiaridad definidas– ha evidenciado la existencia de diferencias intergrupo estadísticamente significativas, especialmente para la medida relacionada con el uso utilitario. Asimismo, las personas en los niveles inferiores de familiaridad tienen una consideración menor de los aspectos positivos de la bicicleta y por el contrario presentan preocupaciones mayores hacia las características negativas respecto a aquellas personas que están más familiarizados en el uso utilitario. El uso, aunque esporádico, de una bicicleta para fines utilitarios (ir de compras, hacer recados, etc.), a diferencia de no usarla en absoluto, aparece asociado a unas puntuaciones significativamente más altas en los tres factores positivos (G&S, E, P&S), mientras que parece estar asociado a puntuaciones significativamente más bajas en el factor relacionado con las características negativas (D&U). Aparecen resultados similares cuando se compara un uso moderado, con uno esporádico, sobre todo con respecto a la consideración de las características negativas. Los resultados de esta tesis están en línea con la literatura anterior que se ha basado en variables similares (por ejemplo, de Geus et al. 2008; Stinson & Bhat 2003, 2004; Hunt & Abraham 2006; y van Bekkum et al. 2011a, entre otros), pero en este estudio las diferencias se observan en un contexto de bajo uso y se derivan de un análisis de toda la población de personas que se desplazan a su lugar de trabajo o estudio, lo cual eleva la fiabilidad de los resultados. La posibilidad de que unos niveles más altos de uso de la bicicleta para fines utilitarios puedan llevar a niveles más positivos de su consideración abre el camino a implicaciones teóricas y de políticas que se discuten en la tesis. Con estos resultados se argumenta que el enfoque convencional basado en el cambio de actitudes puede no ser el único y prioritario para lograr cambios a la hora de fomentar el uso de la bicicleta. Los resultados apuntan al potencial de otros esquemas de causalidad, basados en patrones de influencia más descentrados y distribuidos, y que adopten una mirada más positiva hacia los hábitos de transporte, conceptualizándolos como “inteligencia encarnada y pre-reflexiva” (Schwanen et al. 2012). Tales esquemas conducen a un enfoque más práctico para la promoción del uso de la bicicleta, con estrategias que podrían basarse en acciones de ‘degustación’ de su uso o de mayor ‘exposición’ a su uso. Is the fact that people like cycling the reason for them to cycle? Or is the fact that they do cycle the reason for them to like cycling? Or is a combination of the two? This kind of questions reflect a problem that can be called ‘the cycle of cycling consideration’: in order to consider cycling in the set of possible options to be chosen, an individual needs to have positive beliefs about it, especially in the case of ‘low-cycling contexts’. However, positive beliefs seem unlikely to be formed with low levels of mode familiarity, say, with a low acquaintance with mode features, functioning and images; at the same time, higher levels of familiarity are likely to be reached if cycling is practised over relative threshold levels of intensities and extensively across individual life courses. The problem looks like a chicken-egg recursive cycle, since the latter condition is hardly met in places where cycling is little practised. In fact, inside the current conglomerate of technologies, infrastructures, regulations, user practices, cultural preferences that have grown around the automobile (the current “socio-technical system of urban mobility”, Urry 2004; Geels 2005, 2012) cycling is commonly considered as difficult, unsafe, and abnormal. Consequently, the processes of familiarity forming remain disabled, and, as a result, beliefs cannot rely on mode familiarity as a source of information and influence. Without cycling familiarity, origins of positive beliefs are supposed to rely only on personal traits (affect, values, identities, willingness, etc.), which, in low-cycling contexts, confine the possibility of cycling consideration (and eventual adoption) mainly to ‘cycling enthusiasts’ who are willing to “go against the grain” (Horton & Parkin 2012), as it results from previous research. New research conducted by author provides theoretical insights for a different approach of the cycling consideration problem in which the presence of the new construct of cycling familiarity is hypothesised in the relationship between mode choice behaviour and the set of psychosocial constructs that are supposed to precede it (beliefs and attitudes). Cycling familiarity is conceived as a measure of the real and the perceived relative intensity of use of a bicycle (building upon Diana & Mokhtarian 2009) which may be differently formed for utilitarian or non-utilitarian purposes. The construct is assumed to be related to the amount of time, the intensity and the regularity an individual spends in using a bicycle for the two distinct categories of purposes, gaining in this way a certain level of acquaintance with the mode. Familiarity with a mode of transport is conceived as an enabling condition to properly define the decision-making context in which individual travel mode choices are taken, in line with rather disperse research efforts postulating inverse relationships between mode behaviours and mode choices (Tardiff 1977; Dobson et al. 1978; Golob et al. 1979; Golob 2001; Schwanen et al. 2012; Diana et al. 2009; Vij & Walker 2014). The new construct is built theoretically and methodologically, and a cross-sectional design instrument is employed. Results from a telephone survey in a representative sample of 736 commuters in the Spanish city of Vitoria-Gasteiz, provide suggestive –although preliminary– evidence on the role of mode familiarity as a mediator in the relationship between cycling use and the formation of beliefs and attitudes toward cycling. Measures of both cycling consideration and cycling familiarity are defined making use of exploratory factor analysis. On the one hand, four distinct cycling consideration measures are created, based on attitude expressions on four underlying factors relating to the cycling commuting behaviour: on how cycling commuting is considered green and smart (G&S); on its pleasant and suited character (P&S); on its efficiency as a mode of transport for commuting (E); and on the main drawbacks of its use, namely the difficulties implied (sweating and being exposed to adverse weather conditions) and the sense of unsafety it generates (feeling at risk of accidents and getting stressed by traffic) (D&U). On the other hand, dimensions of cycling familiarity are measured on two distinct ordinal variables (whether based on the utilitarian or non-utilitarian use) comprising four stages to a complete mode familiarity: not familiar; barely familiar; moderately familiar; fully familiar. For each of the four stages of cycling familiarity defined, statistical significant differences are found, especially for the measure related to the utilitarian use. Consistently, people at the lower levels of cycling familiarity have a lower consideration of the positive aspects of cycling and conversely they exhibit higher concerns towards the negative characteristics than those individuals that are more familiar in utilitarian cycling. Using a bicycle occasionally for practical purposes, as opposed to not using it at all, seems associated to significant higher scores in the three positive factors (G&S, E, P&S) while it appears to be associated to significant lower scores in the factor relating with the negative characteristics of cycling commuting (D&U). A same pattern also occurs with a moderate use, as opposed to an occasional one, especially for the consideration of the negative characteristics. The results are in line with previous literature based on similar variables (e.g. de Geus et al. 2008; Stinson & Bhat 2003, 2004; Hunt & Abraham 2006; and van Bekkum et al. 2011a, among others), but in this study the differences are observed in a low-cycling context and derive from an analysis of the entire population of commuters, which rises the reliability of results.

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Following striate cortex damage in monkeys and humans there can be residual function mediated by parallel visual pathways. In humans this can sometimes be associated with a “feeling” that something has happened, especially with rapid movement or abrupt onset. For less transient events, discriminative performance may still be well above chance even when the subject reports no conscious awareness of the stimulus. In a previous study we examined parameters that yield good residual visual performance in the “blind” hemifield of a subject with unilateral damage to the primary visual cortex. With appropriate parameters we demonstrated good discriminative performance, both with and without conscious awareness of a visual event. These observations raise the possibility of imaging the brain activity generated in the “aware” and the “unaware” modes, with matched levels of discrimination performance, and hence of revealing patterns of brain activation associated with visual awareness. The intact hemifield also allows a comparison with normal vision. Here we report the results of a functional magnetic resonance imaging study on the same subject carried out under aware and unaware stimulus conditions. The results point to a shift in the pattern of activity from neocortex in the aware mode, to subcortical structures in the unaware mode. In the aware mode prestriate and dorsolateral prefrontal cortices (area 46) are active. In the unaware mode the superior colliculus is active, together with medial and orbital prefrontal cortical sites.

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Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI), such as cutting and burning, is a widespread social problem among lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning (LGBTQ) youth. Extant research indicates that this population is more than twice as likely to engage in NSSI than heterosexual and cisgender (non-transgender) youth. Despite the scope of this social problem, it remains relatively unexamined in the literature. Research on other risk behaviors among LGBTQ youth indicates that experiencing homophobia and transphobia in key social contexts such as families, schools, and peer relationships contributes to health disparities among this group. Consequently, the aims of this study were to examine: (1) the relationship between LGBTQ youth's social environments and their NSSI behavior, and (2) whether/how specific aspects of the social environment contribute to an understanding of NSSI among LGBTQ youth. This study was conducted using an exploratory, sequential mixed methods design with two phases. The first phase of the study involved analysis of transcripts from interviews conducted with 44 LGBTQ youth recruited from a community-based organization. In this phase, five qualitative themes were identified: (1) Violence; (2) Misconceptions, Stigma, and Shame; (3) Negotiating LGBTQ Identity; (4) Invisibility and Isolation; and (5) Peer Relationships. Results from the qualitative phase were used to identify key variables and specify statistical models in the second, quantitative, phase of the study, using secondary data from a survey of 252 LGBTQ youth. The qualitative phase revealed how LGBTQ youth, themselves, described the role of the social environment in their NSSI behavior, while the quantitative phase was used to determine whether the qualitative findings could be used to predict engagement in NSSI among a larger sample of LGBTQ youth. The quantitative analyses found that certain social-environmental factors such as experiencing physical abuse at home, feeling unsafe at school, and greater openness about sexual orientation significantly predicted the likelihood of engaging in NSSI among LGBTQ youth. Furthermore, depression partially mediated the relationships between family physical abuse and NSSI and feeling unsafe at school and NSSI. The qualitative and quantitative results were compared in the interpretation phase to explore areas of convergence and incongruence. Overall, this study's findings indicate that social-environmental factors are salient to understanding NSSI among LGBTQ youth. The particular social contexts in which LGBTQ youth live significantly influence their engagement in this risk behavior. These findings can inform the development of culturally relevant NSSI interventions that address the social realities of LGBTQ youth's lives.

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This scoping review identifies and describes relevant studies related to the evidence published on life experiences and perceived social support of people affected by Crohn’s disease. Twenty-three studies were definitely selected and analyzed for the topics explored. The overall findings show patients’ needs and perceptions. There is a lack of evidence about patients’ perceived needs as well as the understanding of social support that has contributed to improve their life experiences with that chronic illness. Lack of energy, loss of body control, body image damaged due to different treatments and surgeries, symptoms related to fear of disease, feeling burdened loss related to independence, and so on are some of the concerns with having to live with those affected by the Crohn. To underline those experiences through this scoping review provides valuable data for health care teams, especially for the nursing profession, considered by those affected as one of the main roles along the whole pathological process. This review provides the basis for developing broader research on the relatively underexplored topics and consequently improves specific programs that could address patients’ needs.

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It is well-documented that social networking sites such as Facebook set the stage for social comparison. Such comparison has been linked to a number of negative outcomes including envy, negative moods, and lower self-esteem. The present research aims to extend current understanding of online social comparison by investigating how it pertains to romantic relationships. I hypothesized that for individuals high in attachment anxiety (compared to those low in this construct), online romantic social comparison might be related to negative consequences—which, in the current project, was operationalized as lower mood/affect and state self-esteem. Further, I hypothesized that there would be an interaction between attachment anxiety and relationship insecurities on these negative outcomes, such that the expected difference of attachment anxiety would be more pronounced under conditions priming relationship insecurities, relative to a control condition. Two experiments were conducted, one of which focused on single individuals, and the second focusing on individuals who were themselves in dating relationships. The paradigms of each entailed experimental manipulation of a key relationship-related variable (for single individuals, pessimism for future relationships; for dating individuals, the presence or absence of rejection threat), subsequent exposure to romantic content from Facebook, and finally, measures of affect and state self-esteem. I discovered partial support for the hypothesis that some single individuals—particularly those with higher, rather than lower, attachment anxiety—do indeed report feeling more negative moods and lower state self-esteem following exposure to romantic online content, in contrast to single individuals who had instead viewed neutral online content. The association between attachment anxiety and negative outcome was especially pertinent if individuals had been primed to believe that their own future romantic prospects were grim, or if attention had been drawn to their singleness. Among dating individuals, less support for hypotheses was found; however, exploratory post-hoc analyses revealed a promising (albeit weak) trend indicating that reinvestigation of the current hypotheses would be prudent.

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On the morning after the momentous vote in Scotland, Michael Emerson also breathes a deep sigh of relief that the nightmare scenario of secession will not unfold and expresses his hope that Brussels can now return to its own business, with its renewed leadership feeling a bit encouraged to go about their burdensome agenda with more confidence.

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INTRODUCTION In the current times of multifaceted crisis, nationalism looks, more than ever, like a positive and necessary feeling. It seems both natural and indispensable if we are to have viable political and social institutions that meet the needs and preferences of all citizens. The following paper contests this vision. Its criticism of nationalism is directed not only at its national forms, but also at any defence of collective identity based on the same model, such as the various forms of European nationalism. Furthermore, the same overriding criticism can be made of different kinds of nationalism, regardless of their more or less open and progressive political content. In order to ground our argument theoretically and practically, we will try to show that nationalism is always potentially harmful to individual rights, and unnecessary for the maintenance of a just social and political system. We will thus oppose any acritical defence of the intrinsic value of a specific community and the belief in its artificial homogeneity. The historical construction of a supposedly homogeneous community, and the insistence on its values, which are perceived as superior and binding, facilitate the absorption of the individual into the collective. As we will explain further in more details, this holistic approach is typical of communitarian approaches. In that respect, it does not really matter whether they appeal to passion or to reason, to some irrational binding features of the community or to more rational political aspects of a common identity. The main problem in nationalism is not the emotion it can trigger, it is not even its reliance on particular values. What makes nationalism problematic is, firstly, that it tends to overlook the intrinsically divisive and contradictory nature of individual and collective interests in unjust societies; secondly, that it attributes an intrinsic superiority to a particular community over others; and thirdly, that it sees politics as a means to promote the interests, values or identity of that community. As an alternative, we will very briefly advocate a cosmopolitan approach that grounds political legitimacy in a demanding approach to individual freedom, rather than in a shared collective identity. However, even if only briefly, we will also carefully distinguish our own vision of cosmopolitanism from those commonly put forward. Frequently, cosmopolitan perspectives entangle their identity frameworks with concrete political projects, without clearly explaining how the latter derive from the former. Our approach to cosmopolitanism, on the other hand, is, first and foremost, a critical vision of all communitarian postulates according to which politics should be based on some form of collective identity. Thus, we insist on the conceptual distinction between a general stance on identity issues and the more practical political ideology one stands for. In a subsequent step, we link this cosmopolitan framework with a progressive approach to individual rights. Because of our demanding approach to individual freedom, our cosmopolitanism goes hand in hand with a revival of identity-free sovereignty. It is therefore distinct from the severe condemnation of sovereignty often found in most mainstream cosmopolitan positions. Finally, instead of the frequent confusion found in public discourses and in the literature between ideals and reality, our position acknowledges the deep gulf separating these two dimensions. It therefore sketches out very general strategic principles to bring normative ideals closer to political reality.