Eleição nas escolas: uma análise do impacto do diretor eleito sobre o desempenho educacional no Estado da Bahia

In Brazil, the selection of school principals is set in a decentralized manner by each state and city, such that processes may vary with time for a specific locality. In the state of Bahia, school principals were appointed by a higher political hierarchy until 2008, when schools under state administration started selecting principals by elections. The main goal of this work is to evaluate whether changing this specific rule affected students proficiency levels. This is achieved by using a panel data and difference-in-differences approachs that compares state schools (treatment group) to city schools (control group) that did not face a selection rule change and thus kept having their principals politically appointed. The databases used are Prova Brasil 2007, 2009 and 2011, the first one prior and the other two former to the policy change. Our results suggest that students attending schools with principals that are selected and elected have slightly lower mean proficiency levels both in mathematics and in portuguese exams than those attending schools with appointed principals. This result, according to the literature, could be related to perverse effects of selecting school administrators by vote, such as corporatism, clientelism and politicization of the school environment

A dimensão simbólica e midiática da política e a história da dona de casa que virou guerreira : a construção da imagem pública de Wilma de Faria em 2002 e 2006

This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

A mídia impressa sergipana nas eleições para governador em 2006: cobertura do Cinform, correio de Sergipe e jornal da cidade

The elections for governor in 2006 with its victory Marcelo Déda Workers Party (PT), were a landmark in the state of Sergipe, for the first time, called progressive fronts (an alliance of parties formed mostly by origin of the left) broke the hegemony of two political groups, Franco and the Alves, whose direction was in force for over 30 years. This study proceeds on the assumption that the print media has certain standards of conduct in covering the election period. Therefore, this study seeks to quantify, classify and compare data from three newspapers more representative of the State of Sergipe (Cinform, Cidade Journal and Correio de Sergipe) to analyze the behavior of these journals, such as private apparatus of hegemony in election coverage 2006. It also uses the concept of hegemony Gramsci and theories of journalism framing (Entman and Porto) and agenda setting (McCombs and Shaw) to identify these patterns

Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

Os programas de governo no horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral:um estudo das eleições governamentais no Rio Grande do Norte em 2006

In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.

Conto com o seu voto: marketing político eleitoral no primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2010

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Rejeição e voto em eleição contemporânea: um estudo de caso da eleição à prefeitura do município de Natal/RN (2012)

Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

Sobre uma cultura do mal-estar com a política

The current dissertation has as its main object of study the malaise with politics phenomenon. To comprehend it, is carried out in this work a inquiry, in different stages of analysis, based in the empirical data raised by the research Os Processos Sociais de Recepção do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral , made by the Grupo de Estudos Mídia e Poder, of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, during the local elections of 2004 in the city of Natal. Based in the focus group technique, such research raised an ample set of information about the decoding process of the electoral television programs, made by six different groups of citizens from the popular classes. Beginning from the presuppose which such process is influenced by the representations about politics made by those subjects, we use that set of empirical information to inquiry not only the decoding, but that same representations which this process is based. In this way, we analyse, in one side, the globally contrary decoding which subjects made from a conforming code of opposition and, in the other, the structure of feeling which it s based, called structure of feeling of the malaise with politics. Such structure is compound by generating themes which expresses the contraposition about the institutionalized politics and, in the same time, a resignation about politics which fortifies the dominant groups hegemony. We support the thesis which this set of representations about politics is caused by the denial of rights frame which those subjects are immersed

Da aliança ao democratismo: a trajetória do PFL no Rio Grande do Norte (1985-2006)

This thesis analyzes the political and electoral trajectory of the PFL in Rio Grande do Norte from its beginning in 1985 until his last electoral dispute in 2006, before the process of rebuilding occurred in 2007. The central argument of the thesis is that the PFL occupied side by side with the PMDB the central position in the dynamic of the state partisan politics. This was due to its ability to control the process of disputes for majority positions in the state, especially for Senate vacancies. The hypothesis that support the central argument are related to the trajectory of the formation of the party still under the military regime, where the group that took over the leadership of the party enjoyed privileged conditions for the consolidation of political and electoral power. Another factor associated with their performance was the force that was developed in the second-largest electoral college in the state, Mossoró. To these hypotheses we add the role Jose Agripino Maia who, leading without competitors within the party, concentrated a large power in making decisions in face of adverse contexts to ensure (his) conditions for success in majoritarian disputes

Gestão democrática: autonomia e participação na Escola Estadual 11 de Agosto Umarizal/RN

The object of analysis of this work is the implementation of the election of director in the State School August 11, situated in the city of Umarizal, State of Rio Grande do Norte, period 2005-2008. The understanding of the politics concerning the school democratization, triggered in Brazilian society in the 1990s, requires taking into consideration the changes occurring in recent decades in the national and international, which impressed significant changes in the role and functions of the state. The election of a director is part of the policy of administrative decentralization and educational reform that focuses on the democratization of the management of public education with the involvement of social actors in decisions within the educational institutions as a way to address the problems that hinder the actions management education, especially school management. To better understand this process of political democratization of school management developed our analysis seeking to answer the following questions: implementation of direct election for a director ensures democratic management in schools? What are the ramifications for the school, caused by direct election on the school autonomy and participation of the subjects in school processes? From these questions, we set as standard for analysis of democratic management in schools of two dimensions: participation and autonomy within the school. For this we take as a theoretical and methodological literature: Pateman (1992); Rousseau (2010); Bourdieu (2007), Castoriadis (1991); Macpherson (1978); Marx; Engels (2007), among others dealing with participation, autonomy, decision power and election of director, and guidelines dealing with the democratization of school management. As data collection procedure, we use the semi-structured interviews and analysis of meeting minutes of the School Council and the Minutes of the final results of elections, to understand the empirical aspects of the implementation of the election of a director. The survey results indicate some progress and setbacks regarding the participation of subjects from issues relating to the school's educational project. Also underline the political interference as a factor crystallizer the centralization of power in the figure of the director as well as the advancement of the spaces that nurture the mobilization of political debate on the democratization of management. About the extent of autonomy observed that social actors to relate predominantly to the power of decision and the involvement of subjects in the school's actions

Ação de impugnação de mandato eletivo: análise constitucional e novas perspectivas

This study is developed in setting in which the Federal Constitution of 1988 completed 22 years of validity, as well as in general elections (national and state) in country. From this perspective, there are multiple reflections, especially on the constitutional mechanisms of popular sovereignty consolidation, the integrity and legitimacy of elections and democracy itself. It has appeared timely, therefore, to examine the development of ensured instrument of these precepts. Thus, it is approached as an object of research to Action of Impugnation to the Elective Mandate- AIEM, under Art.14, § 10 and § 11 of the Constitution of 1988, considering its constitutional and electoral reasons. It is then aimed to review the second AIEM conceptions of scale, systematic interpretation, preservation of constitutional rights and its effectiveness. Specifically, it is analyzed the Action as to the forms of power that relate to this. then it is examined the democracy principal aspects related to the issue. Without being followed, it is the democratic situation in which it is operated. They are also examined the political rights, especially regarding restraint applied to ineligibility and the possibility of integrating the effects of an impugnatory origin. Following, it has been discussed the formation of an early panorama, consisting of constitutional principles applied to electoral constituencies and eminently procedural principles and, according to which subsidizes the operations of such Action. After that, addressing the Election Law, including its concept, its sources, the Electoral Court and its peculiarities and functions. It is also considered the elective office as to its definition, characteristics and ways of accessing and extinguishing it. Afterwards, the Action of Impugnation is studied from its historical evolution of laws, legal, concept and goals. Expanding on the theme, it s highlighted about their chances of traditional appropriateness (economic power abuse, corruption and fraud) and modern (abuse of economic power intertwined with political) business, including the suggestion of suitability in case of abuse of unique political power. It was also identified the injurious potential demand affecting these illicit to enable the Action. Subsequently, other relevant aspects were explored, such as the legitimacy ad causam, competence, secrecy, procedure, recklessness, bad faith, the purpose of the merits and manageable resources. In the end, it is demonstrated an evolution of AIEM, however, still insufficient to reach full intentions that rise it. It is proposed therefore to re-read the action from news perspectives, based on constitutional and electoral precepts, as well as wider interpretation of the appropriateness of their assumptions of suitability and effects, according to a systematic interpretation, all aimed at the preservation of constitutional rights and their own effectiveness

A dívida da vida: redes clientelistas na saúde "de favor"

The relationship between mayors and patients Who use a Casa de Apoio in Natal, RN, shows us some traditional political features anda t the same time happens in na urban and modern context, regulated by a formal institution, the State. The Oestana, as is named this Casa de Apoio, offers daily that are paid by some City Halls located in the West of Rio Grande do Norte where people go away to capital from which they have medical and hospital care. This assistance includes paid services like accommodation, food, transportation, etc., as well as services that aren´t paid as information, support and hospital material, for example. When the patients access these service, they will gain a debt with a services provider (the mayor) which its eventually paid with the vote in the municipal elections. The goal is to understand the social, the political, the symbolic and mainly the life meaning of this relationship. Our research was developed by interviews with Oestanas users and regular visits to this house that showed a political bond regulated by moral and subjection, but is reconfigured by new social categories as the affection and the logical networks.

Squeezed fermions at relativistic heavy ion colliders

Large back-to-back correlations of observable fermion-anti-fermion pairs are predicted to appear, if the mass of the fermions is modified in a thermalized medium. The back-to-back correlations of protons and anti-protons are experimentally observable in ultra-relativistic heavy ion collisions, similarly to the Andreev reflection of elections off the boundary of a superconductor. While quantum statistics suppresses the probability of observing pairs of fermions with nearby momenta, the fermionic back-to-back correlations are positive and of similar strength to bosonic back-to-back correlations. (C) 2001 Elsevier B.V. B,V, All rights reserved.

Eleições, política externa e integração regional

L'article examine le rapport entre les régimes politiques domestiques et l'intégration régionale. L'argument central montre que la thèse selon laquelle une convergence politique plus profonde avec les autres régimes de gauche de la région favoriserait encore plus l'intégration sud-américaine recèle un paradoxe qui n'a pas encore été traité dans les débats. Bien qu'il soit acceptable l'idée qui préconise que des gouvernements de gauche ont tendance à donner leur appui politique au régionalisme sud-américain, il est tout aussi vrai l'idée selon laquelle les régimes présidentiels de gauche sont moins favorables à la transnationalisation des normes et à la cession de souveraineté aux instances transnationales. L'article présente brièvement la révision de la littérature à propos de la relation entre politique interne (régimes politiques et des partis) et production de la politique externe et, au long de ce débat, il analyse le thème des accords commerciaux dans les élections sud-américaines, y compris le cas brésilien.