Non-Spatial Government Policies and Regional Income Inequality in Brazil

Silveira Neto R. Da M. and Azzoni C. R. Non-spatial government policies and regional income inequality in Brazil, Regional Studies. This paper uses both macro- and micro-data to analyse the role of social programmes in the recent reduction in Brazilian regional income inequality. Convergence indicators are presented for different sources of regional income in the period 1995-2006. A decomposition of the Gini indicator allows the identification of the role of each of these income sources with respect to the reduction of regional inequality during the period. The results point out that both labour productivity and government non-spatial policies - mainly minimum wage changes and income transference programmes - do have a role in explaining regional inequality reduction during the period. [image omitted] Silveira Neto R. Da M. et Azzoni C. R. Les politiques gouvernementales non-spatiales et l`ecart des revenus regionaux au Bresil, Regional Studies. Cet article emploie des donnees a la fois macroeconomiques et microeconomiques afin d`analyser le role des programmes d`actions sociales quant a la baisse recente de l`ecart des revenus regionaux au Bresil. On presente des indicateurs de convergence pour diverses sources des revenus regionaux pour la periode allant de 1995 a 2006. Une decomposition du coefficient de Gini permet d`identifier le role de chacune de ces sources des revenus par rapport a la baisse de l`ecart des revenus pendant cette periode. Les resultats indiquent que la productivite du travail et les politiques gouvernementales non-spatiales - notamment la modification du salaire minimum et les programmes visant le transfert des revenus - ont un role a jouer pour expliquer la baisse de l`ecart des revenus regionaux pendant la periode en question. Convergence Productivite du travail Transfert des revenus Salaire minimum Effets spatiaux des politiques non-spatiales Silveira Neto R. Da M. und Azzoni C. R. Nicht raumliche Regierungspolitiken und das regionale Einkommensungleichgewicht in Brasilien, Regional Studies. In diesem Beitrag analysieren wir mit Hilfe von Makro- und Mikrodaten die Rolle von sozialen Programmen bei der unlangst erzielten Verringerung des regionalen Einkommensungleichgewichts in Brasilien. Wir stellen Konvergenz-Indikatoren fur verschiedene regionale Einkommensquellen im Zeitraum von 1995 bis 2006 vor. Eine Dekomposition des Gini-Indikators ermoglicht die Identifizierung der jeweiligen Rolle dieser Einkommensquellen fur die Verringerung des regionalen Ungleichgewichts im betreffenden Zeitraum. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass sowohl die Produktivitat der Arbeitskrafte als auch die nicht raumlichen Regierungspolitiken - in erster Linie Veranderungen beim Mindestlohn und Programme fur Einkommenstransfers - als Grunde fur die Verringerung des regionalen Ungleichgewichts in dieser Periode durchaus eine Rolle spielen. Konvergenz Arbeitsproduktivitat Einkommenstransfer Mindestlohn Raumliche Auswirkungen nicht raumlicher Politiken Silveira Neto R. Da M. y Azzoni C. R. Politicas gubernamentales no espaciales y desigualdades de ingresos regionales en Brasil, Regional Studies. En este articulo utilizamos datos macro y micro para analizar el papel de los programas sociales en la reciente reduccion en las desigualdades de ingresos regionales de Brasil. Presentamos los indicadores de convergencia para diferentes fuentes de ingresos regionales en el periodo de 1995 a 2006. Una descomposicion del indice Gini permite identificar el papel de cada una de estas fuentes de ingresos con respecto a la reduccion de las desiguadades regionales durante este periodo. Los resultados destacan que tanto la productividad laboral como las politicas no espaciales del gobierno - principalmente los cambios de salario minimo y los programas de transferencias de ingresos - desempenan una funcion a la hora de explicar la reduccion de las desigualdades regionales durante este periodo. Convergencia Productividad laboral Transferencias de ingresos Salario minimo Efectos espaciales de politicas no espaciales.

Nutrient patterns and their food sources in an International Study Setting: report from the EPIC study.

BACKGROUND Compared to food patterns, nutrient patterns have been rarely used particularly at international level. We studied, in the context of a multi-center study with heterogeneous data, the methodological challenges regarding pattern analyses. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS We identified nutrient patterns from food frequency questionnaires (FFQ) in the European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition (EPIC) Study and used 24-hour dietary recall (24-HDR) data to validate and describe the nutrient patterns and their related food sources. Associations between lifestyle factors and the nutrient patterns were also examined. Principal component analysis (PCA) was applied on 23 nutrients derived from country-specific FFQ combining data from all EPIC centers (N = 477,312). Harmonized 24-HDRs available for a representative sample of the EPIC populations (N = 34,436) provided accurate mean group estimates of nutrients and foods by quintiles of pattern scores, presented graphically. An overall PCA combining all data captured a good proportion of the variance explained in each EPIC center. Four nutrient patterns were identified explaining 67% of the total variance: Principle component (PC) 1 was characterized by a high contribution of nutrients from plant food sources and a low contribution of nutrients from animal food sources; PC2 by a high contribution of micro-nutrients and proteins; PC3 was characterized by polyunsaturated fatty acids and vitamin D; PC4 was characterized by calcium, proteins, riboflavin, and phosphorus. The nutrients with high loadings on a particular pattern as derived from country-specific FFQ also showed high deviations in their mean EPIC intakes by quintiles of pattern scores when estimated from 24-HDR. Center and energy intake explained most of the variability in pattern scores. CONCLUSION/SIGNIFICANCE The use of 24-HDR enabled internal validation and facilitated the interpretation of the nutrient patterns derived from FFQs in term of food sources. These outcomes open research opportunities and perspectives of using nutrient patterns in future studies particularly at international level.

Sources and propagation of international cycles: Common shocks or transmission?

This paper studies the generation and transmission of international cycles in a multi-country model with production and consumption interdependencies. Two sources of disturbance are considered and three channels of propagation are compared. In the short run the contemporaneous correlation of disturbances determines the main features of the transmission. In the medium run production interdependencies account for the transmission of technology shocks and consumption interdependencies account for the transmission of government shocks. Technology disturbances, which are mildly correlated across countries, are more successful than government expenditure disturbances in reproducing actual data. The model also accounts for the low cross country consumption correlations observed in the data.

The Institutional, Economic and Social Determinants of Local Government Transparency

Interest in public accountability and government transparency is increasing worldwide. The literature on the determinants of transparency is evolving but is still in its early stages. So far, it has typically focused on national or regional governments while neglecting the local government level. This paper builds on the scarce knowledge available in order to examine the economic, social, and institutional determinants of local government transparency in Spain. We draw on a 2010 survey and the transparency indexes constructed by the NGO Transparency International (Spain) in order to move beyond the fiscal transparency addressed in previous work. In so doing, we broaden the analysis of transparency to the corporate, social, fiscal, contracting, and planning activities of governments. Our results on overall transparency indicate that large municipalities and left-wing local government leaders are associated with better transparency indexes; while the worst results are presented by provincial capitals, cities where tourist activity is particularly important and local governments that enjoy an absolute majority. The analysis of other transparency categories generally shows the consistent impact of these determinants and the need to consider a wider set of variables to capture their effect.

The green movement in Canada

The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

Esther Summers Niagara militia collection,

Butler's Rangers were disbanded in 1784. In 1788, British officials organized the Nassau Militia. Nassau was one of the Districts of Upper Canada, Niagara being only part of the district. The Nassau Militia was a military presence from 1788-1793. With the reorganization of the province into sixteen counties in 1792, Lincoln County (with 20 townships) came into existence. The militia was renamed as the Lincoln Militia. At the outbreak of the War of 1812, the Lincoln Militia was organized into five regiments. Later, members of the Lincoln Militia were called out for duty to track and subdue insurgents during the 1837 Rebellions. In 1846, Lincoln County divided into Lincoln and Welland counties, and militia regiments were reformed. This changed many times until 1936 when they became known as The Lincoln and Welland Regiment.

Ann Eliza Hepburne Rooth fonds, 1837-1897

Ann Eliza Hepburne was born in Chippawa, Ontario, in 1821, to William Hepburne and Susan Shannon. In 1842, she married William Anthony Rooth in St. James Cathedral in Toronto. They continued to live in different parts of the Niagara region, including Drummondville, Welland and Port Colborne. William was the editor and proprietor of the Drummondville Reporter, as well as an accountant and insurance agent, and later worked for the Customs Service in Port Colborne. He died in 1878, and Eliza in 1899. Both are buried in Drummond Hill Cemetery in Niagara Falls, Ontario.

Contract between John Cronyn and Nelson Forsyth, December 16, 1854.

John Cronyn (1827-1898) emigrated to Canada from Ireland in 1837. He studied medicine at the University of Toronto, but was not granted his degree upon completion of the requirements. He refused to take the test oaths meant to exclude Catholics from the profession and was not granted his degree until several years later, when the discriminatory laws were rescinded. In 1850, he married Elizabeth Willoughby of Toronto. They settled in Fort Erie and he established a successful medical practice there. He was active in the community, serving as Superintendent of schools and one term as Reeve. In 1859 he relocated to Buffalo and continued to practice medicine there. Cronyn was instrumental in the establishment of a medical department at Niagara University, where he was a professor and president of faculty. Nelson Forsyth was the son of William Forsyth (1771-1841), a prominent businessman in Niagara who owned and operated the Pavilion Hotel (later known as Forsyth’s Inn). Nelson was also a businessman and lived in Fort Erie with his wife Archange Warren.

Politics in extraordinary times : a study of the reaction of political parties and elites to terrorism

Cette thèse porte sur le comportement des élites politiques durant les périodes de crise nationale et plus particulièrement sur leurs réactions aux attentats terroristes. Elle démontre que les crises terroristes sont tout comme les conflits militaires ou diplomatiques propices aux unions nationales et notamment aux ralliements des partis d’opposition auprès du gouvernement. L’analyse statistique d’actes terroristes s’étant produits dans cinq états démocratiques (Allemagne, Espagne, États-Unis d’Amérique, France et Royaume-Uni) entre 1990 et 2006 révèle que l’ampleur d’un attentat en termes de pertes humaines ainsi que la répétition de ces attentats influencent dans une large mesure la réaction des élites politiques. Ainsi plus l’ampleur d’un attentat est élevée, plus la probabilité d’un ralliement est grande. En revanche, la multiplication des attentats augmente la possibilité de dissension entre l’opposition et le gouvernement. Par ailleurs, l’opposition est plus susceptible de se rallier au gouvernement lorsque l’attentat est perpétré par des terroristes provenant de l’étranger. L’analyse quantitative indique également que l’existence d’un accord formel de coopération dans la lutte antiterroriste entre le gouvernement et l’opposition favorise l’union des élites. Enfin, les données analysées suggèrent que la proportion des ralliements dans les cinq pays est plus importante depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Une analyse qualitative portant exclusivement sur la France et couvrant la période 1980-2006 confirme la validité des variables identifiées dans la partie quantitative, mais suggère que les élites réagissent au nombre total de victimes (morts mais aussi blessés) et que la répétition des actes terroristes a moins d’impact lors des vagues d’attentats. Par ailleurs, les analyses de cas confirment que les élites politiques françaises sont plus susceptibles de se rallier quand un attentat vise un haut-fonctionnaire de l’État. Il apparaît également que les rivalités et rancœurs politiques propre à la France (notamment suite à l’arrivée de la gauche au pouvoir en 1981) ont parfois empêché le ralliement des élites. Enfin, cette analyse qualitative révèle que si l’extrême gauche française soutient généralement le gouvernement, qu’il soit de gauche ou de droite, en période de crise terroriste, l’extrême droite en revanche saisit quasi systématiquement l’opportunité offerte par l’acte terroriste pour critiquer le gouvernement ainsi que les partis de l’establishment. La thèse est divisée en sept chapitres. Le premier chapitre suggère que le comportement des élites politiques en période de crises internationales graves (guerres et conflits diplomatiques) est souvent influencé par la raison d’État et non par l’intérêt électoral qui prédomine lors des périodes plus paisibles. Le second chapitre discute du phénomène terroriste et de la littérature afférente. Le troisième chapitre analyse les causes du phénomène d’union nationale, soumet un cadre pour l’analyse de la réaction des élites aux actes terroristes, et présente une série d’hypothèses. Le quatrième chapitre détaille la méthodologie utilisée au cours de cette recherche. Les chapitres cinq et six présentent respectivement les résultats des analyses quantitatives et qualitatives. Enfin, le chapitre sept conclut cette thèse en résumant la contribution de l’auteur et en suggérant des pistes de recherche.

Représentation des rébellions de 1837 dans les manuels scolaires québécois

Ce mémoire explore l’influence de l’évolution des représentations historiques des rébellions des patriotes, telles que formulées par les historiens réputés, sur les manuels scolaires québécois publiés entre 1982 et 2006. Il démontre qu’entre ces deux années, qui correspondent à deux réformes scolaires successives, les conceptions des rébellions de 1837 ont beaucoup évolué dans l’historiographie universitaire. Ce mémoire montre pourtant que les manuels scolaires issus de la réforme de 2006 demeurent attachés à un récit historique caractéristique d’une historiographie plus ancienne.

Fédéralisme d’ouverture et pouvoir de dépenser au Canada

In power since January 2006, the leader of the Canadian Conservative party, Stephen Harper, promised to break with the previous governments’ “domineering” style of governance and to put into practice a new type of “open federalism.” Specifically, this approach involved correcting the fiscal imbalance between Ottawa and the provinces, taking measures to recognize Quebec’s specificity, and limiting the federal government’s recourse to an alleged spending power. This article briefly surveys the foundations of Canadian politics and the years when the Liberal party was in power, between 1993 and 2006, to assess the measures adopted by the Harper government, particularly with respect to the spending power. This power is not attributed in the constitution nor is it founded on clear jurisprudence, but Ottawa still claims and invokes it. Despite ther promises, the Conservatives have failed to offer a satisfactory formula for limiting its usage. So, Canada remains driven by the centralising process that has prevailed since the start of the 1980’s.