980 resultados para queer criminology


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Research on violence against women has been among the most scrutinized areas in social science. From the beginning, efforts to empirically document the prevalence, incidence, and characteristics of violence against women have been hotly debated (DeKeseredy, 2011; Dragiewicz & DeKeseredy, forthcoming; Minaker & Snider, 2006). Objections that violence against women was rare have given way to acknowledgement that it is more common than once thought. Research on the outcomes of woman abuse has documented the serious ramifications of this type of violence for individual victims and the broader community. However, violence against women was not simply “discovered” by scholars in the 1960s, leading to a progressive growth of the literature. Knowledge production around violence against women has been fiercely contested, and feminist insights in particular have always been met with backlash(Gotell, 2007; Minkaer & Snider, 2006; Randall, 1989; Sinclair, 2003)...

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ILLITERACY is now increasingly recognised as a serious social problem. UNESCO defines literacy in the following way :- "A person is literate when he has acquired the essential knowledge skills that enable him to engage in all those activities in which literacy is required for effective functioning in his group and community" This is in fact seeing the problem in terms of functional literacy. As the demands of an increasingly industrial society grow, more and more people who are functionally illiterate are appearing. Many do not have the functional skills required to enable them to apply for a job. This inability to obtain work is common among clients of the probation service. Literacy has become so important in our society, that to be unable to read and write causes great feeling of isolation, of being different and inferior, which often leads the illiterate to join a group where this deficiency is unknown and where he can gain some status. This is often a delinquent group.

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This submission addresses the following terms of reference: 1) the nature, prevalence and level of cybersafety risks and threats experienced by senior Australians; 2) the impact and implications of those risks and threats on access and use of information and communication technologies by senior Australians; 3) the adequacy and effectiveness of current government and industry initiatives to respond to those threats, including education initiatives aimed at senior Australians; 4) best practice safeguards, and any possible changes to Australian law, policy or practice that will strengthen the cybersafety of senior Australians.

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Using interview data on LGBT young people’s policing experiences, I argue policing and security works as a program of government (Dean 1999; Foucault 1991; Rose 1999) that constrains the visibilities of diverse sexuality and gender in public spaces. While young people narrated police actions as discriminatory, the interactions were complex and multi‐faceted with police and security working to subtly constrain the public visibilities of ‘queerness’. Same sex affection, for instance, was visibly yet unverifiably (Mason 2002) regulated by police as a method of governing the boundaries of proper gender and sexuality in public. The paper concludes by noting how the visibility of police interactions with LGBT young people demonstrates to the public that public spaces are, and should remain, heterosexual spaces.

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This book has been painstakingly researched by a scholar whose intellectual competencies span several disciplines: history, sociology, criminology, culture, drama and film studies. It is theoretically sophisticated and yet not dense as it reads like a novel with an abundance of interesting complex characters.

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The sky is falling because the much-vaunted mining ‘boom’ is heading for ‘bust’. The fear-mongering by politicians, the industry and the media has begun in earnest. On ABC TV's 7:30 program on 22 August 2012, Federal Opposition Leader Tony Abbott blamed the Minerals Resource Rent Tax and the Carbon Tax for making ‘a bad investment environment much, much worse’ for the mining industry. The following day, Australia's Resources and Energy Minister Martin Ferguson told us on ABC radio that ‘the resources boom is over’. This must be true because, remember, we were warned to ‘Get ready for the end of the boom’ (David Uren, Economics Editor for The Australian 19 May 2012) due to the ‘Australian resource boom losing steam’ (David Winning & Robb M. Stewart, Wall Street Journal 21 August 2012). Besides, there is ‘unarguable evidence’ that Australia's production costs are ‘too expensive’ and ‘too uncompetitive’: mining magnate Gina Rinehart said so in a YouTube video placed on the Sydney Mining Club's website on 5 September 2012. Can this really be so? What is happening to the mining boom and to the people who depend upon it?

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The gross overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in prison populations suggests that sentencing may be a discriminatory process. Using findings from recent (1991–2011) multivariate statistical sentencing analyses from the United States, Canada, and Australia, we review the 3 key hypotheses advanced as plausible explanations for baseline sentencing discrepancies between Indigenous and non-Indigenous adult criminal defendants: (a) differential involvement, (b) negative discrimination, and (c) positive discrimination. Overall, the prior research shows strong support for the differential involvement thesis and some support for the discrimination theses (positive and negative). We argue that where discrimination is found, it may be explained by the lack of a more complete set of control variables in researchers’ multivariate models and/or differing political and social contexts.

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In Australia, sentencing researchers have generally focussed on whether there is statistical equality/inequality in outcomes by reference to Indigenous status. However, contextualising the sentencing process requires us to move away from a reliance on statistical analyses alone, as this approach cannot tell us whether sentencing is an equitable process for Indigenous people. Consultation with those working at the sentencing ‘coal face’ provides valuable insight into the nexus between Indigenous status and sentencing. This article reports the main themes from surveys of the judiciary and prosecutors, and focus groups of Community Justice Groups undertaken in Queensland. The aim is to understand better the sentencing process for Indigenous Queenslanders. Results suggest that while there have been some positive developments in sentencing (e.g. the Murri Court, Community Justice Groups) Indigenous offenders still face a number of inequities.

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Australian research on Indigenous sentencing disparities of the standard of international work is somewhat recent. Contrary to expectations based on international research, Australian studies generally have not found Indigenous offenders to be treated substantively more harshly than non-Indigenous offenders in similar circumstances. However, this research has primarily focused on adult higher courts, with little attention to lower courts and children’s courts. In this article, we examine whether Indigeneity has a direct impact on the judicial decision to incarcerate for three courts (adult higher, adult lower, children’s higher court) in Queensland. We found no significant differences in the likelihood of a sentence of incarceration in the higher courts (adult and children’s). In contrast, in the lower courts, Indigenous defendants were more likely to be imprisoned than non-Indigenous defendants when sentenced under statistically similar circumstances.

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GLBTI (gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex) police liaison programs have been an important part of policing these communities for a number of decades now. In fact, this model appears to dominate approaches as the preferred way to manage relationships between GLBTI communities and police. Interestingly, while this model dominates, research on the effectiveness of this model, and the services that align with it, is limited. To date, only few studies have asked critical questions about the effectiveness of GLBTI police liaison services. For instance, we know that over 70% of GLBTI communities are aware of police liaison services, but only 4% of those victimised access them (Berman & Robinson, 2010). This paper critically examines existing literature about GLBTI police liaison services to demonstrate key themes and omissions. It argues that police liaison services as a preferred model has been taken for granted as the correct way of engaging with GLBTI communities in ways that may exclude other forms of engagement, and suggests that further research into these liaison programs is necessary if the relationships between GLBTI communities and the police are to be strengthened.

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Australia is experiencing an unprecedented expansion in mining due to intense demand from Asian economies thirsty for Australia’s non-renewable resources, with over $260 billion worth of capital investment currently in the pipeline (BREE 10). The scale of the present boom coupled with the longer term intensification of competitiveness in the global resources sector is changing the very nature of mining operations in Australia. Of particular note is the increasingly heavy reliance on a non-resident workforce, currently sourced from within Australia but with some recent proposals for projects to draw on overseas guest workers. This is no longer confined, as it once was, to remote, short term projects or to exploration and construction phases of operations, but is emerging as the preferred industry norm. Depending upon project location, workers may either fly-in, fly-out (FIFO) or drive-in, drive-out (DIDO), the critical point being that these operations are frequently undertaken in or near established communities. Drawing primarily on original fieldwork in one of Australia’s mining regions at the forefront of the boom, this paper explores some of the local impacts of new mining regimes, in particular their tendency to undermine collective solidarities, promote social division and fan cultural conflict.

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A just system of discipline within an organisation requires four characteristics: a clear set of offences, proportionate punishments clearly linked to the offences, oversight and appeals from disciplinary decisions and independence from political masters. This paper examines Queensland public sector legislation and policy from 1863 to the present to demonstrate how well these four criteria are addressed. An analysis of the presence of these four characteristics in the Queensland context finds that the public sector legislation in Queensland is in breach of the guidelines that define a just and fair system in which disciplinary action is dispensed. We argue that creation of arbitrary powers to punish or dismiss staff is unjust if the legislation does not fully inform staff of what constitutes a breach of discipline, does not guarantee proportionate punishments to offences, and/or it allows the disciplinary process to be used as a tool to coerce staff to perform in a politicised or otherwise unethical manner. We conclude by making recommendations as to how this situation may be rectified.

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Global demand for minerals and energy products has fuelled Australia’s recent ‘resources boom’ and led to the rapid expansion of mining projects not solely in remote regions but increasingly in long-settled traditionally agriculture-dependent rural areas. Not only has this activity radically changed the economic geography of the nation but a fundamental shift has also occurred to accommodate the acceleration in industry labour demands. In particular, the rush to mine has seen the entrenchment of workforce arrangements largely dependent on fly-in, fly-out (FIFO) and drive–in, drive–out (DIDO) workers. This form of employment has been highly contentious in rural communities at the frontline of resource sector activities. In the context of structural sweeping changes, the selection of study locations informed by a range of indices of violence. Serendipitously we carried out fieldwork in communities undergoing rapid change as a result of expanding resource sector activities. The presence of large numbers of non-resident FIFO and DIDO workers was transforming these frontline communities. This chapter highlights some implications of these changes, drawing upon one particular location, which historically depended on agriculture but has undergone redefinition through mining.