871 resultados para masculine hegemony
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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The text aims to refl ect about masculinity and femininity in children’s education, an almost entirely feminine environment, bringing fi ndings of a study that investigated the social relations of gender in this level of teaching in a school where a man worked as a teacher. Data was composed by observations of pedagogical practices of a woman teacher and a man teacher of Early Childhood Education. After that, those teachers, the pedagogical coordinator, the headmaster and a nursery worker were interviewed. Based on theoretical contributions about culture and gender, the paper shows that the masculine and the feminine identities and social roles for both sexes, historically, are human constructions that can be modifi ed, especially at school.
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The aim of this article is to reflect on the relationship between the United States and China in the 21th. Century. By observing trends of economic, political and also military indicators, we can note that the trajectories of the United States and China tend to cross, with a relative decline of the first and the fast Chinese rise. This situation makes us believe to suppose the occurrence of possible dispute for world hegemony between the two countries in medium and long term. Because of this, we assume that the strategy of "A American Century in Asia-Pacific" fits in an attempt to test the Chinese commitment to "peaceful development" and its guarantee of maintaining the stability of international relations.
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The global economic scenario, from the late 1980s, it was predominantly marked by the hegemony of political and economic orthodoxy. The strength of a great political pact that brought together the financial sector, rentiers and the big capital, and had the Washington Consensus as base, induced countries to adopt liberalizing policies such as trade liberalization, privatization and deregulation. The failure of these policies, manifested in unemployment, external vulnerability and low growth has led to a change in economic direction, particularly after the election of President Lula. Amid this situation, we can see a reorientation of the role of the Brazilian state, in response to a movement of their own society organized to implement a new national strategy, with the state as a promoter of development. In this project of a new strategy, the state action becomes strategic and not systemic, turning to strengthen national companies in strategic sectors and internationally competitive. In this ongoing process of a new development strategy, we adopted the conceptualization of what Bresser-Pereira calls the new developmentalism.
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This text has the following aims: a) to discuss Gramsci and Horkheimer’s epistemological status, joined authors in an theoretical approach known as Critical Theory of International Relations; b) to draft an analysis in order to show the mentioned and joined authors’ different epistemological statuses in the theoretical approach in discussion; c) to begin a reflection pointing the absence of accuracy in this approach - whose beginning happened with Canadian political scientist Robert W. Cox – due to joining different epistemological statuses and ignoring the theoretical consequences put by respective central Gramsci and Horkheimer’s concepts: hegemony and emancipation.
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Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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During the first years of the military dictatorship, established in Brazil through a coup d'État, a number of institutions which repression had left unarticulated began a process of resistance and opposition to the military government. Cultural resistance was one of the consecrated forms of resistance that was exercised by intellectuals, artists, professors and cultural producers, among others, and that became an unprecedented political and cultural phenomenon in the country's history. Political, insofar as it aided in the process of re-organizing left-wing political parties and in the revision of the ideological postulates of its preeminent party, the PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro - Brazilian Communist Party). Cultural, because this re-organization occurred, frequently, within the ambit of cultural productions, in which the left created a space for contestation and engagement through the arts and intellectual activities. Within this process, between the years 1965 and 1968. The journal Civilização Brasileira became an important space for the building of leftist cultural resistance against the military dictatorship. The journal was able to impose its political legitimacy while at the same time participating actively in a market o cultural goods sustained by the so-called cultural hegemony of the left.
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The objective of this paper is to discuss the construction of the image of São Paulo state public schools teachers in the public sphere, by the media and the trade union press, and see how that image is formed in both of them, without making any comparisons, from the covering of 2010 strikes by newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and Jornal da Apeoesp. This paper uses as theoretical basis the study of Media Hegemony, the concept of Radical Media and Public Sphere, as well as the relationship between them and social movements. It also considers the observation of the history and characteristics of trade union press and the Standards of Manipulation by the Press, proposed by Perseu Abramo. The chosen method was the identification, selection and organization of stories about education published by Folha de S. Paulo during the period; the application of Abramo’s proposed manipulation standards on the stories about the strike; research, selection and observation of print publications (Jornal da Apeoesp and newsletters Apeoesp Urgente) about the strike, published by Apeoesp during the same period
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The objective of this work is to compare how manifests the ideological positioning in the hegemonic media productions, according to Gramsci's conception, in relation to the radical alternative media, proposed by John Downing. The research has as opinionated content sample printed newspaper O Estado de s. Paulo, contrasting with the expressions of NON-PROFIT bauruense environmental “Instituto Ambiental Vidágua on the proposals of the new Brazilian forest Code. The analysis will hold in an interval between the adoption of the code by the Chamber of deputies in April 2012, and the provisional measure of President Dilma Rousseff with 32 modifications, after vetoing 12 articles proposed initially in may 2012. To support the study, will be crafted Gramsci hegemony; What is the alternative and radical media as it manifests itself; the relationship between the environmental journalism with the environmental NGOs; opinionated journalism and journalistic genres opinionated; theories of journalism and framing of matter
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This project aims to study the influence of information technology in the construction of new forms of citizenship. A large space as possible by the Internet allows the emergence of alternative news sources, as opposed to the means of mass communication. The research will take from the study of the news portal Choike.org. Maintained by civil society representatives, the website has a proposal to address topics that are infrequent in the media hegemony. To facilitate the study, we established a cut. Let's look at five bulletins Choike.org portal between the years 2005 and 2010 that address the issue of agrarian reform in Latin America, especially in Brazil. The issue is discussed by the media in general, however has more emphasis between the means of alternative journalism. For Choike.org portal, agrarian reform this intrinsically linked to social development. Therefore, this analysis seeks to highlight the role of new technologies as an important tool to aid discussion of the issue in the media as having specific focus to the issue of land reform
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The formation of intellectuals, in Gramscian terms (GRAMSCI, 2000), was addressed throughout our academic career, for example, Villela (2003; 2008; 2009; 2010-2012; 2011; 2012; 2014). This article aims to resume some relationships between education of intellectuals in Italy for years 1920, the organization of industrialization in São Paulo and the construction of bourgeois hegemony in Brazil. In this paper I review my dissertation, Villela (2003), whose aim was to understand the rationalization of work processes in architectural offices. This dissertation possible to trace, among other things, another story of the relationship between architecture and state in Brazil from industrialization in São Paulo. Based on the notion of intellectuals Gramsci, we discuss the extended state design and envision a particular kind of state, which in our case is the State industrialist. And relate interested in public policy of that State for industrialization industries office designed by Rino Levi Architects Associate SC Ltda. (ERLAA) that has developed over the decades its activities from 1920 to 1990, many projects in the city of São Paulo. The relationship proposed here is unprecedented. Grounded in this relationship, put in another scene about the formation of intellectuals and hegemony, a Gramscian point of view.
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Homogamy has been suggested as crucial for human mate preferences and mate choice. People are attracted to and choose romantic partners that are similar to them in socio-demographic, physical, and psychological traits. However, only a few studies have shown homogamy in preferences for evolved sex-typical traits. Here, we have investigated male and female preferences for the level of cognitive masculinity-femininity (MF). We tested whether self-reported MF positively correlates with preferences for MF. One hundred men and one hundred women from Brazil filled in questionnaires on their own level of cognitive MF and preferred level of cognitive MF in their ideal partner. Half of the respondents were asked to indicate their preferences for long-term, and the other half for short-term relationships. We found a positive correlation between self-ascribed and preferred level of cognitive MF in women (P = 0.002), but no significant correlation in men (P = 0.309). There was no significant effect of the temporal context of the relationship, but there was a positive correlation between self-ascribed and preferred level of cognitive MF only in women answering about long-term partner. By subtracting the preferred from the selfascribed level of cognitive MF, we created a self-similarity index. We found that women desire potential mates more self-similar and more masculine than men (P < 0.001) and that in men there is greater variation in the self-similarity index than in women. Our results thus add to previous evidence on the role of homogamy in human mating, by showing preferences for self-similarity also in cognitive MF for women, especially for long-term partner preferences. Future studies should cross-culturally test whether the higher self-similar preference found in women is universal.