788 resultados para grassroots leadership
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How will we Europeans earn our living in 20 or 30 years' time? And how can it be done, while remaining true to our values of fairness, freedom and solidarity? These fundamental questions predate the financial crisis and will still be with us once we have fully overcome it. Of all the groups in society, business leaders are probably most keenly aware of the challenge posed by globalisation. They have their finger on the pulse of global economic activity and keep alerting me that Europe is losing out. The trade unions, generally more focused on the economy's demand side, regularly call for more (public) investment. Their leadership remains highly committed to Europe but they can sense a rise of Euro-scepticism among their members. We must, and can bring these two narratives together. Yes, global change is relentless and our societies must adapt, but we can also preserve what makes Europe such a special place: a unique combination of relative prosperity, solidarity, individual freedoms, and security. This challenge was always on my mind.
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In the last five years deep cracks have appeared in the European project. The 'euro-area crisis' triggered by a severe global financial and economic crisis has put European integration to a major test, more profound than ever before. The experience of recent years has revealed and exacerbated significant deficiencies in the European Union's (EU) economic and political construction. At time it has cast doubt on fundamentals of the European project and raised questions about whether Europe will be able to deal effectively not only with the immediate crisis, but also with the many other serious socio-economic, politico-institutional, societal and global challenges that Europe is and will be confronted with. At the start of a new institutional-political cycle (2014-2019) and while the crisis situation has for a number of reasons improved significantly since the summer of 2012, at least in systemic terms, the Union's new leadership and Member States will now have to take strategic decisions about the future of European integration.
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Parliamentary debates about the resolution of the EU debt crisis seem to provide a good example for the frequently assumed “politicizationˮ of European governance. Against this background, the paper argues that in order to make sense of this assumption, a clearer differentiation of three thematic focal points of controversies – with regard to the assessment of government leadership, concerning the debate between competing party ideologies within the left/right dimension, and with regard to the assessment of supranational integration – is needed. Applying this threefold distinction, the paper uses a theory of differential Europeanization to explain differences in the thematic structure of debates in the Austrian Nationalrat, the British House of Commons, and the German Bundestag. Empirically, the paper is based on data gained from the computer-based coding of plenary debates about the resolution of the European debt crisis between 2010 and 2011.
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The research team reviewed numerous several multi- sectoral entities and identified nine GGNs that became the subject of our case studies. The research team conducted semi-structured interviews with executives and staff from each of these GNNs and prepared a profile, including a description of the unique evolution of the organization, goals and objectives, organizational structure and governance arrangements for each GGN. The following list provides an overview of the nine GGNs profiled: 1. Every Woman Every Child is an unprecedented global effort that mobilizes and amplifies action by governments, multilaterals, the private sector, research centers, academia and civil society to address life-threatening health challenges facing women and children globally. 2. HERproject catalyzes global partnerships and local Networks to improve female workers’ general and reproductive health in eight emerging economies. 3. R4 Rural Resilience Initiative is a cutting-edge, strategic, large-scale partnership between the public and private sectors to innovate and develop better tools to help the world’s most vulnerable people build resilient livelihoods. 4. Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative is a coalition of governments, companies, civil society groups, investors and international organizations that aims to improve transparency and accountability in the extractives sector. 5. Global Network for Neglected Tropical Diseases works with international partners at the highest level of government, business and society to break down the logistical and financial barriers to delivering existing treatments for the seven most common neglected tropical diseases. 6. Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition is an alliance that supports public-private partnerships to increase access to the missing nutrients in diets necessary for people, communities and economies to be stronger and healthier. 7. Inter-Agency Network For Education in Emergencies is a global Network of individuals and representatives from NGOs, United Nations and donor agencies, governments, academic institutions, schools and affected populations working to ensure all persons have the right to a quality and safe education in emergencies and post- crisis recovery. 8. mHealth Alliance works with diverse partners to advance mobile-based or mobile-enhanced solutions that deliver health through research, advocacy, support for the development of interoperable solutions and sustainable deployment models. 9. The Rainforest Alliance is a global non-profit that focuses on environmental conservation and sustainable development and works through collaborative partnerships with various stakeholders.
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Summary. The fourth edition of Roma Pride has brought Roma civic activism back in the spotlight. This Roma-rights mobilization, taking place every October in several European cities, has emphasized the centrality of an active civil society in pursuing a successful integration of the Roma in Europe. The ‘Award for Roma Integration’ and the ‘Civil Society Prize 2014’ conferred last October by the European Union (EU) to Roma and pro-Roma Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) have confirmed this approach. Nonetheless, a general discontent towards the EU Roma Integration Policies exists within the Roma Civil Society, who calls for stronger support to and the promotion of “Romaled change”. This Policy Brief investigates the reasons behind such discontent and identifies the ‘distance’ from Roma communities as the Achilles heel of EU policies. It argues for further efforts by the EU to empower Roma organisations operating at the grassroots through community capacity building, structured dialogue and simplification of the funding mechanisms.
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On July 15, 2014 the European Parliament confirmed the new European Commission President. An absolute majority was needed for this purpose, and the 422 votes “For” cleared the 376-vote threshold in the legislative body of 751 members. A Grand Coalition has been formed among the three largest political parties: the European People’s Party (EPP), the Progressive Alliances of Socialists Democrats (S&D), and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Considering policy decisions going forward, the European Union (EU) faces the pressing question: Will there be more, less, or similar power from the EU? There are a greater number voices from across the political spectrum contributing to the democratic plurality. European leaders may regain trust by acknowledging that future governance will not be “business as usual” as the reform agenda gets underway. 2014 has been an exciting and important year in European politics. “This time is different” was the motto for the European Parliament’s election campaign. This essay analyzes recent EU political trends with the new Commission leadership and the Parliamentary elections results. The Parliamentary elections, held in late May, and the new European Commission, planned to be in place in the autumn, influence the leadership direction of the 28-member bloc. Additionally, this year on July 1 Croatia celebrated the first anniversary of joining the EU in 2013. Leading the way for candidate countries, Croatia embraces the democratic politics and capitalist market economics embodied by the EU. The greater number of seats held by newer political parties in the European Parliament demonstrates increasing plurality in the EU democracy. The Parliamentary elections have taken place every 5 years since 1979. In this eighth legislative session, the EPP and the S&D remain the largest parties represented, with 221 and 191 seats respectively. As the EU has evolved, a greater number of voices influence politics. The ongoing point of contention on a host of policies is national sovereignty in relation to pooled sovereignty in the EU. The European Parliament is important for democracy in EU governance since it is the direct link from the national citizens to their elected leaders at the supranational level. The representatives of the European Commission are appointed by the national governments of Member States, and their heads of government are the representatives to the European Council. These three political institutions – the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council – together with other important institutions, including the European Court of Justice Luxembourg, form the EU. The new European Commission President is Jean-Claude Juncker, former Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Luxembourg (1995-2013). After being nominated by the European Council on June 27, his candidacy was voted on by the European Parliament on July 15, according to the guidelines of the Lisbon Treaty. The leadership for the President of the European Commission has been an important issue, considering Britain’s deliberations on whether or not to stay in the EU in the face of a future national referendum. Voting on June 27, among the European Council on the nomination of Commission President-Designate Juncker, was 26 in favor and 2 opposed. Only Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary, joined David Cameron, the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), with a negative vote (Spiegel and Parker 2014). The UK had not been supportive, being concerned that Juncker embraces the policies of a federalist, prioritizing an ever-closer union above the interests of individual Member States. Historically, since joining the predecessor institution of the European Economic Community in 1973, the UK has had a relatively independent attitude about participation in the EU.
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Fifteen years have passed since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, through which time the EU has grown as a security actor. The keys to produce a change in implementing gender mainstreaming in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) are well known by member states; the EU and external implementation reports1 are repeated again and again, but real change requires real willingness on the part of member states, and leadership.
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L'elaborato tratterà, in linea teorica e successivamente con un esempio pratico, il tema della strategia di costo basata sulla leadership di costo. La prima parte vedrà partirà da una linea ampia, al fine di chiarire al meglio cosa sia una strategia aziendale e come essa vada implementata,si restringerà poi andandosi a focalizzare con particolare attenzione su come applicare tale strategia nei mercati di beni durevoli, beni il cui consumo viene ripetuto nel tempo. L'analisi vedrà in particolare, li strumenti, i metodi aziendali e la filosofia per far si che tale strategia diventi più che competitiva nei mercati individuati. Si analizzerà inoltre brevemente il caso di Ikea, leader mondiale della produzione e distribuzione di mobili, la quale ha posto il suo modello di business proprio sulla Leadership di costo. La seconda parte vedrà un caso pratico: come tale strategia è stata implementata e utilizzata nel contesto del business game, una simulazione di un mercato proprio di beni durevoli, lavatrici e asciugabiancherie. L'analisi verterà sulla squadra Freedinelli che ha conseguito buoni risultati attraverso tale strategia. Infine verranno tratte delle conclusioni sulla convenienza ad utilizzare tale strategia, in quali casi sia più conveniente farlo e come farlo al meglio.
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Comprendre ce qui amène un leader à émettre des comportements de leadership transformationnel fascine les chercheurs et praticiens depuis plusieurs années (Bommer, Rubin, & Baldwin, 2004; Bono & Judge, 2004; Shamir & Howell, 1999 ; Stogdill, 1948; Yukl, 1999). Or, jusqu’à présent, ces facteurs sont encore bien peu étudiés et compris comparativement aux conséquences de ce style de leadership. Dans cette lignée, la présente thèse répond à différents enjeux soulevés par les auteurs à ce sujet (Dinh & Lord, 2012; Zaccaro, 2007) en cherchant à préciser le rôle joué par différents antécédents individuels et contextuels du leadership transformationnel. Cet objectif sera poursuivi par l’adoption d’une perspective interactionniste qui intègre des antécédents de personnalité et de contexte ainsi par l’évaluation de la personnalité à l’aide d’une modélisation de la personnalité orientée vers le critère à prédire (variable composite). La présente thèse est composée de trois articles poursuivant les objectifs suivant : 1) Effectuer une synthèse de la littérature empirique portant sur les antécédents individuels et contextuels du leadership transformationnel; 2) Vérifier les liens empiriques entre la personnalité mesurée à l’aide de variables composites, plus précisément le modèle des Great Eight de Bartram (2005), et le leadership transformationnel; 3) Tester empiriquement l’effet d’interaction entre les variables de personnalité et les variables contextuelles pour prédire le leadership transformationnel. Le premier article vise d’abord à circonscrire et organiser les connaissances empiriques actuelles provenant d’une quarantaine d’articles concernant les antécédents du leadership transformationnel. L’article s’organise en trois thèmes principaux : les antécédents individuels de personnalité, les antécédents contextuels et l’étude des interactions entre le volet individuel et contextuel. Plusieurs constats et pistes de recherches sont discutés et mettent la table pour les deux articles subséquents. Ainsi, le second article s’intéresse au potentiel explicatif d’un modèle de personnalité orienté vers le critère pour prédire le leadership. Plus spécifiquement, le modèle des Great Eight proposé par Bartram (2005) est mis en relation avec les comportements de leadership transformationnel et de récompense contingente. Les résultats, obtenus auprès de 113 gestionnaires et de leurs 799 subordonnés, donnent peu d’appui à la valeur ajoutée du modèle utilisé, mais indiquent que certaines tendances de personnalité sont associées au leadership. Des analyses supplémentaires permettent de nuancer la compréhension des effets observés dans la documentation scientifique et offrent quelques pistes de groupements de traits pouvant prédire les différents comportements de leadership. Le troisième article s’inspire de la théorie de l’activation des traits (Tett & Burnett, 2003) pour vérifier l’effet combiné de la personnalité du gestionnaire et du contexte dans lequel il évolue en vue de prédire le leadership transformationnel. Les résultats (ngestionnaires = 89; nsubordonnés = 643) n’offrent qu’un appui modéré au rationnel sous-jacent du modèle de l’activation des traits. Toutefois, il en ressort que l’aspect relationnel du gestionnaire (opérationnalisé par le composite de personnalité « soutien et coopération ») est associé à l’émergence du leadership transformationnel uniquement lorsque les facteurs contextuels (considération organisationnelle, latitude décisionnelle) sont perçus positivement par le gestionnaire. L’étude permet donc d’éclaircir une part de la variabilité observée dans les études antérieures concernant la tendance relationnelle du gestionnaire, en soulignant sa sensibilité à des facteurs contextuels positifs.
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"Navpers 15924A."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Peck, M.G., and Melinkovich, P. (Eds.)"--P. [iv].
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"The material in this document was contributed by State Employment Security Agency, Unemployment Insurance Service, and Office of Regional Management Staff..."