Notice d'une vente... d'un tableau original de Cl. Gelé (dit le Lorrain), et Jean Miel... 30 avril 1839...

[Vente (Art). 1839-04-30. Paris]

The neo-liberal state and the crisis of public service broadcasting in the Anglo-American democracies /

The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Memorial de Sainte-Helene : ou journal ou se trouve consigné, jour par jour, ce qu'a dit et fait Napoléon durant dix-huit mois

UANL

« Qui dit contractuel, dit juste. » (Fouillée) … en trois petits bonds, à reculons

Ce texte s’inspire d’une communication faite au IXe Congrès de l’Association internationale de méthodologie juridique (Tunis, nov. 2005) : « Les principes généraux de droit ».

La contribution de Florimond Ronger, dit Hervé, au développement de l'opérette (1848-1870) : éléments biographiques et mécanismes du comique

La version intégrale de cette thèse est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU).

Trois utopies au temps de la Révocation de l'édit de Nantes : la vision de la France selon Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704), Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713) et Pierre Bayle (1647-1706).

En 1685, sous le règne de Louis XIV, au moment où la monarchie française voulut extirper l'altérité protestante en révoquant l'édit de Nantes (1598), trois contemporains, Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704), Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713) et Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) élaborèrent des utopies dans lesquelles ils nous font connaître leur vision d'une France idéale. Ces trois utopies, nous voulons les restituer au cours de ce mémoire de maîtrise et souligner quelles sont leurs propositions respectives en matière de gouvernement et de relations interreligieuses. Nous aborderons leurs positions quant aux conséquences politico-religieuses de la Révocation. Et enfin nous dirons quel est le traitement que ces trois auteurs réservent dans leurs textes à la question de la tolérance étatique.

De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ : Les «Barbares de Nouvelle-France», texte anonyme (1616) édité par Joseph de Jouvency (1710)

Le De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ a toujours été présenté comme un texte rédigé par le jésuite Joseph de Jouvency. Pourtant, une étude plus approfondie montre que certains éléments ne peuvent provenir ni d'un religieux, ni du XVIIIe siècle. On aurait plutôt à faire avec un auteur laïc du début du XVIIe siècle, qui a des informations de première main, puisqu'il est lui-même à Québec. Ce qui en fait un document précieux et un témoin privilégié de l’histoire du début de la Nouvelle-France, bien que traduit et retravaillé par des Jésuites. Jouvency, en l'insérant dans les Historiæ Societatis Jesu, l'a en effet censuré et a ajouté quelques passages au texte original. Quelle est l'opinion du véritable auteur, ce Français vivant à Québec, sur les « Barbares de Nouvelle-France » qu'il rencontre? Une étude du texte montre qu'il dépeint à la fois les bonnes et les mauvaises coutumes des tribus autochtones, nous renseignant ainsi sur l'état des indigènes peu après l'arrivée des premiers véritables colons de la Nouvelle-France. Une traduction française accompagne l'analyse du texte.

Sectaire et "inter-dit" : introduction à la dimension du croire dans l'écoute du dire des personnes en cause dans le sectaire.

La thèse questionne les conditions d’écoute des témoignages des personnes ayant vécu une expérience sectaire, ainsi que les enjeux éthiques et méthodologiques qui découlent de la manière dont la littérature propose de comprendre le dire de ces personnes. Une revue de littérature permet de montrer que les principaux cadres théoriques utilisés pour expliquer le sectaire (aliénation, manipulation mentale, addiction) déterminent la manière dont est entendu le dire des personnes. De cette façon, le sens du sectaire n’oriente pas seulement la compréhension que nous avons des personnes. Il trace aussi les conditions de l’écoute. Le postulat de base de la thèse est que l’introduction de la « dit-mention » du croire comme carrefour interprétatif permet de développer une écoute qui concerne à la fois le sujet parlant et la dimension de l’être. À partir d’une théorisation du croire comme mouvement du vivant distinct de la religion, de la spiritualité, de la croyance et de la mystique, la thèse déplace la problématique de l’expérience sectaire de sa structure polémique pour donner pleine valeur au dire des personnes. Ainsi, en situant l’écoute sous le versant symbolique, soit dans un rapport qui prend en compte le rapport du sujet à l’Autre, le sens produit par un acte d’écoute du croire ne prend plus appui sur un sens extérieur pour expliquer et rendre compte d’une expérience sectaire. Il est produit par la liaison des signifiants entre eux, ce qui ouvre un espace de recherche pour que du sujet puisse advenir. L’hypothèse d’un sujet à croire sur parole se présente alors comme fondement d’un acte d’écoute différentiel, dans la mesure où il permet l’élaboration d’un savoir efficace, soit un savoir qui déplace, qui surprend, et qui relance le sujet.

Les Déterminants de la demande de crédit des auto-entrepreneurs camerounais : le cas des AGR de Yaoundé

Full Text / Article complet

Pursuing a Developmental State Trade Agenda in a Neo-Liberal Context

This book explains why it was possible for the Worker’s Party (PT) in Brazil and the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa to pursue a developmental state trade policy, in spite of neoliberal constraints. The major theoretical lenses are three-fold. It applies state theory (macrolevel), policy network analysis (meso-level) and theories on political parties with emphasis on factional politics (micro-level). This book highlights the socio-political relevance of comparatively progressive policy frameworks and expands the debate on how to re-gain national policy space for progressive reform policies even under neoliberal constraints.

Mediterr??neo, bosque amigo

Gu??a did??ctica realizada con motivo de la exposici??n del mismo nombre cuyo objetivo es crear conciencia de la inmensa tarea que nos ata??e a todos los ciudadanos, potenciar el respeto por la naturaleza, su desarrollo y conservaci??n y llegar a un compromiso de toda la sociedad para proteger nuestro bosque como patrimonio natural, el m??s rico de Europa. Concebido en cuatro bloques, el primero 'Bosque Mediterr??neo' aborda un conjunto de aspectos sobre su funcionamiento como ecosistema y sobre las caracter??sticas b??sicas que lo definen: estructura, relaciones con el medio, intercambios, etc. 'El Bosque amigo' resalta los aspectos esenciales en la relaci??n bosque-seres humanos y los usos que hemos obtenido de ??l. 'El Bosque en Peligro' es una peque??a muestra de las consecuencias del desarrollo desequilibrado, de la insostenibilidad de nuestro progreso. El ??ltimo ??mbito, 'La Conservaci??n del Bosque', supone la reacci??n contra el progresivo deterioro.