951 resultados para U.S Foreign Relations 2000-2009


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Bibliographical footnotes.

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On the domestic and internal state of England.--On our foreign relations and policy.--On Ireland.--On the navy, army, and colonial system.--On the possibility and mode of getting rid of the greater part of the national debt without injustice to any individual.--To the gentry and people of England.

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Nos. 1-38 of the Congressional series.

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"October 1979."

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English and German.

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Meg Cabot’s young adult (YA) novel series The Princess Diaries (2000-2009) is one of many modern-day examples of attempts to redefine what Western society considers the classic princess narrative: the story of a beautiful princess passively waiting for Prince Charming. As critics such as Kay Stone and Sarah Rothschild emphasize, the fictional princess is traditionally linked to notions of ideal femininity which, in turn, makes princess stories interesting texts from a feminist perspective. Rothschild notes a surge in YA princess novels in recent years, with YA writers such as Cabot aiming to challenge the traditional image of the princess as a passive feminine stereotype in their re-workings of the princess story. Previous feminist research on The Princess Diaries series celebrates the main character Mia as a symbol of third wave feminism and as such, a positive role model for Cabot’s predominantly young, female readers. Mia’s characteristic Dr Martens boots are frequently cited as an example of how greatly Mia differs from her princess predecessors. However, these critics ignore important changes in Mia’s personality over the course of the series. By the end of the series, the Dr Martens-wearing heroine introduced in the first book has replaced her combat boots with high heels. In my thesis, I will argue that Mia’s transformation in terms of appearance and preoccupation with mainstream fashion, from quirky outsider to stereotype girly girl, complicates the idea of The Princess Diaries series as feminist texts. Moreover, previous feminist research largely ignores diary writing’s prominent role in the series, and the ways in which the diary format influences the reader-narrator relationship in the novels. In my feminist reading of The Princess Diaries series, I therefore use Mia’s diary writing and the diary format of the series as my starting points. I argue that while Mia’s diary writing is portrayed as empowering, and thereby inspiring, the diary format as a narrative structure creates a rather ambiguous tone and effect; questioning but simultaneously conforming to traditional, restricting notions of femininity.

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The United States has exerted a major influence on Southeast Asia, especially since World War II. As both a promoter of neoliberal reform and as the key strategic actor in the wider East Asian region, the impact of U.S. power has been immense. But both the Asian economic crisis and its aftermath, and the more recent war on terror, have highlighted the contradictory impact of evolving U.S. foreign policy and intervention in the region. At both an elite and a mass level there is evidence of resentment about, and hostility toward, U.S. policy and its perceived negative effects. This article outlines how U.S. foreign policy has impacted the region in the economic, political, and security spheres, and argues that not only has it frequently not achieved its goals, but it may in fact be undermining both America's long-term hegemonic position in the region and any prospects for political liberalization.

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Mixture Density Networks (MDNs) are a well-established method for modelling the conditional probability density which is useful for complex multi-valued functions where regression methods (such as MLPs) fail. In this paper we extend earlier research of a regularisation method for a special case of MDNs to the general case using evidence based regularisation and we show how the Hessian of the MDN error function can be evaluated using R-propagation. The method is tested on two data sets and compared with early stopping.

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Brushite cements differ from apatite-forming compositions by consuming a lot of water in their setting reaction whereas apatite-forming cements consume little or no water at all. Only such cement systems that consume water during setting can theoretically produce near-zero porosity ceramics. This study aimed to produce such a brushite ceramic and investigated whether near elimination of porosity would prevent a burst release profile of incorporated antibiotics that is common to prior calcium phosphate cement delivery matrices. Through adjustment of the powder technological properties of the powder reactants, that is particle size and particle size distribution, and by adjusting citric acid concentration of the liquid phase to 800 mM, a relative porosity of as low as 11% of the brushite cement matrix could be achieved (a 60% reduction compared to previous studies), resulting in a wet unprecompacted compressive strength of 52 MPa (representing a more than 100% increase to previously reported results) with a workable setting time of 4.5 min of the cement paste. Up to 2 wt.% of vancomycin and ciprofloxacin could be incorporated into the cement system without loss of wet compressive strength. It was found that drug release rates could be controlled by the adjustable relative porosity of the cement system and burst release could be minimized and an almost linear release achieved, but the solubility of the antibiotic (vancomycin > ciprofloxacin) appeared also to be a crucial factor.

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This paper examines the history of U.S. interventions in Latin America and attempts to explain their frequency by highlighting two factors – besides security and economic interests – that have made American interventions in Latin America so common. First, immense differences in size and influence between the United States and the States of Latin America have made interventions appear to be a low risk solution to crises that threaten American interests in the region. Second, when U.S government concerns and aspirations for Latin America converge with the general fears and aspirations of American foreign policy, interventions become much more likely. Such a convergence pushes Latin American issues high up the U.S. foreign policy agenda because of the region’s proximity to the United States and the perception that costs of intervening are low. The leads proponents of intervention to begin asking questions like “if we cannot stop communism/revolutions/drug-trafficking in Latin America, where can we stop it?” This article traces how these factors influenced the decision to intervene in Latin America during the era of Dollar Diplomacy and during the Cold War. It concludes with three possible scenarios that could lead to a reemergence of an American interventionist policy in Latin America. It makes the argument that even though the United Sates has not intervened in Latin America during the twenty-two years, it is far from clear that American interventions in Latin America will be consigned to the past.

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In the latest phase of globalization, transnational corporations based in the U.S. have worked closely with U.S. foreign policymakers to secure favorable foreign direct investment provisions within U.S. domestic legislation and within U.S. trade agreements. These interactions between transnational firms and the U.S. state have provided many of the preconditions for an expansion of foreign direct investment connected to capital liberalization and the growth of global supply chains from the 1980s to the present. This relationship is best conceptualized as representing a “transnational interest bloc,” whose policy objectives are incorporated within investment provisions in US-backed trade and investment agreements.