983 resultados para Southern States--History--Sources
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In my thesis, I use historical and literary analysis to study how the concept of the American Dream was popularized during the Great Depression and how cultural understanding of the term has changed following the 2008 Recession. By comparing popular media, literature, and political documents within a historical framework from the 1930s and after 2008 through the present day, I analyze how the term ¿American Dream¿ has persisted as an element of the United States¿ national ethos. I explore why the language of the American Dream does not appear to carry the same resonance in American society as in the 1930s, even though the post-2008 economic environment is somewhat comparable to conditions created by the Great Depression and associated reform measures. This comparative historical approach in scholarly studies of the American Dream is unique because the two periods have not previously been discussed in relation to one another in order to show transformations in cultural understanding of the Dream. The American Dream, both embodying a dual identity as an aspiration to aspire to and also as a delusional fantasy which can lead to cynicism, is a highly complex idea in lived experience. The concept¿s ambiguous nature allows for individuals to interpret it differently, allowing for the term to remain resilient throughout different periods in United States history. While the meaning of the term has been subject to change, it is grounded upon an idealistic concept of American individualism and hope that through one¿s merit, one will be able to achieve one¿s vision of success. Through interdisciplinary analysis, I show that the American Dream will alter to suit the needs of contemporary society and the term¿s power will continue to endure in society despite evidence of rising cynicism since 2008.
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A distinguishing feature of the discipline of archaeology is its reliance upon sensory dependant investigation. As perceived by all of the senses, the felt environment is a unique area of archaeological knowledge. It is generally accepted that the emergence of industrial processes in the recent past has been accompanied by unprecedented sonic extremes. The work of environmental historians has provided ample evidence that the introduction of much of this unwanted sound, or "noise" was an area of contestation. More recent research in the history of sound has called for more nuanced distinctions than the noisy/quiet dichotomy. Acoustic archaeology tends to focus upon a reconstruction of sound producing instruments and spaces with a primary goal of ascertaining intentionality. Most archaeoacoustic research is focused on learning more about the sonic world of people within prehistoric timeframes while some research has been done on historic sites. In this thesis, by way of a meditation on industrial sound and the physical remains of the Quincy Mining Company blacksmith shop (Hancock, MI) in particular, I argue for an acceptance and inclusion of sound as artifact in and of itself. I am introducing the concept of an individual sound-form, or sonifact, as a reproducible, repeatable, representable physical entity, created by tangible, perhaps even visible, host-artifacts. A sonifact is a sound that endures through time, with negligible variability. Through the piecing together of historical and archaeological evidence, in this thesis I present a plausible sonifactual assemblage at the blacksmith shop in April 1916 as it may have been experienced by an individual traversing the vicinity on foot: an 'historic soundwalk.' The sensory apprehension of abandoned industrial sites is multi-faceted. In this thesis I hope to make the case for an acceptance of sound as a primary heritage value when thinking about the industrial past, and also for an increased awareness and acceptance of sound and listening as a primary mode of perception.
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Are Feminism and Monotheistic Religions Compatible? Dr. Roberta K. Ray How compatible are the three major monotheistic religions (Christianity, Islam, and Judaism) with feminism and the goal of equal rights for women in Western democracies? A special focus is on how Christian religions have functioned as a barrier to equal rights for women in the United States from Colonial period through the 21st century. Religion and Liberal Democracy: Are They Philosophically Compatible? Dr. John W. Ray American government is based on liberal democratic political theory. Based on an examination of the political philosophies of Locke, Mill, Rousseau, Hegel, Emerson and Rawls, Ray concludes that adherence to a liberal democratic political ideology is fundamentally incompatible with a religious grounding of political reality.
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Abstract Montana's Lee Metcalf was an extraordinary Montana leader with an unbelievable record of accomplishment fighting for the little people against the forces of economic and political power. The public memory is so short that this film will serve to help reacquaint Lee & Donna Metcalf to most of those who were around during their time. But it will also provide an opportunity for new generations to receive a perspective of an important leader from an important time. (Language from YouTube version of the film, written and provided by Executive Producer Evan Barrett) Lee Warren Metcalf (January 28, 1911 – January 12, 1978) was an American lawyer, judge, and politician. A member of the Democratic Party, he served as a U.S. Representative (1953–1961) and a U.S. Senator (1961–1978) from Montana. He was permanent acting President pro tempore of the Senate, the only person to hold that position, from 1963 until his death in 1978. U.S. House of Representatives During his tenure in the House, Metcalf served on the Education and Labor Committee (1953–1959), Interior and Insular Affairs Committee (1955–1959), Select Astronautics and Space Exploration Committee (1958), and Ways and Means Committee (1959–1960). He became known as one of Congress's "Young Turks" who promoted liberal domestic social legislation and reform of congressional procedures. He introduced legislation to provide health care to the elderly ten years before the creation of Medicare. He earned the nickname "Mr. Education" after sponsoring a comprehensive bill providing for federal aid to education. He also voted against legislation that would have raised grazing permits on federal lands, and led the opposition to a bill that would have swapped forested public lands for cutover private lands. He was elected chairman of the Democratic Study Group in 1959. U. S. Senate Regarded as "a pioneer of the conservation movement", Metcalf worked to protect the natural environment and regulate utilities. He helped pass the Wilderness Act of 1964, and supported the creation of the Great Bear Wilderness and the Absaroka-Beartooth Wilderness. In 1962, he introduced a "Save Our Streams" bill to preserve natural recreation facilities and protect fish and wildlife from being destroyed by highway construction. He was a longtime member of the Migratory Bird Conservation Commission. He was also active on the issue of education. He was a leading supporter of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the effort to extend the G.I. Bill's educational benefits to a new generation of veterans, and the development of legislation to improve federally-aided vocational education.[1] The Peace Corps was established under leadership of Metcalf and Senator Mansfield. In 1983, by act of Congress, the Lee Metcalf Wilderness area was created in southwestern Montana in honor of the late Congressman. The Great Bear Wilderness and Absaroka-Beartooth Wilderness areas were also created as a result of Metcalf's efforts in Congress, in addition to the Lee Metcalf National Wildlife Refuge in Montana. Metcalf was ranked number 15 on a list of the 100 Most Influential Montanans of the Century by the Missoulian newspaper. This text is courtesy of Wikipedia®, a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization, and is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.
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The time period covered by this bibliography is circa 1960 to 1974, an unusual "decade," to be sure. But because the Civil Rights movements and Watergate framed this era, it became impossible to compile a bibliography on the 1960s without entering the 1970s. The Vietnam War did not end until 1975, which would seem a logical place to end the decade. However, Nixon's resignation sparked more public interest and energy than did the anti-climax of the end of the war. Thus, the time period covered. Although there are some key books on the Civil Rights Movement, which started in the late 1950s, that movement has been adequately covered in other resources.
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In recent decades, countless scholars have examined the developing trend of African American dominance in United States’ professional sports. Many have hypothesized that this over-representation is caused by the presumed reliance on sports as an avenue out of poverty for the African American youths. This trend, it is believed, has a highly detrimental effect the African American community. In actuality, this argument is flawed because it works under the stereotypical assumption that the overwhelming majority of African Americans come from abject poverty. To dispel this fallacy, the author has analyzed the upbringings of each All-National Basketball League First Team player over the past thirty years. The author discovered that while the majority of the players selected were African American, only a small percentage of these athletes were raised in a poverty-stricken environment. Logically, this would not be the case if poor African Americans relied more heavily on sports than middle-class African Americans. This data proves that stereotypes, not empirical evidence, are the substance of nearly every previous study conducted on the topic.
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By looking at Great Britain and the American colonies in conjunction with the larger British Atlantic Empire, historians can better understand the political, social, and cultural transformations that occurred when transatlantic actors met. William Samuel Johnson is an example of an "ordinary" agent who nonetheless had extensive contacts with numerous British and American thinkers. While acting on Connecticut's behalf in London between 1767 and 1771, he sent reports back to Connecticut governors Jonathan Trumbull and William Pitkin on parliamentary proceedings while corresponding with the people who traveled around the Atlantic world during this critical period-merchants, seafarers, emigrants, soldiers, missionaries, radicals and conservatives, reformers, and politicians. He is also representative of the late eighteenth-century empire writ large. Agents, who had once been a source of stability in the far-flung colonies, became a destabilizing force as confusion and conflict grew over conceptual ideas of what constituted "the empire" and who was included in it. Johnson was a sane observer in the midst of the ideological and administrative upheaval of the 1760's and 1770's. His subsequent loyalism and political obscurity during the war years was in many ways a result of his attempts to reconcile various factional interests during his tenure as an agent. Although he did his best to resolve these divisions and provide an accurate account of the powerful nationalistic forces gathering on both sides of the Atlantic on the eve of the American Revolution, the agents' collective failures as transatlantic mediators helped bring about the collapse of an imperial community. This disintegration had dramatic effects on the whole of the Atlantic world.
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The mutinies of the Continental Army during the American Revolution threatened both the integrity of the army and the viability of the Revolution itself. They were complex phenomena, stemming from numerous underlying physical and psychological causes. Having slowly developed over the course of the war, the problems confronting the Continental Army eventually brought it to the breaking point. No less than four major mutinies, involving soldiers or officers, occurred between 1780-1783. This essay focuses on the reasons for the mutinies and how the participants justified their actions. It also examines responses from General Washington and other senior officers, and what effects these actions had on the army. Finally, this essay addresses the question of why so few major mutinies occurred given the miserable state of the Continental Army.