798 resultados para Regionalization of immigration


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Background: Intimate partner violence (IPV) against women occurs in all countries, all cultures and at every level of society; however, some populations may be at greater risk than others. The aim of this study was to explore IPV prevalence among Ecuadorian, Moroccan and Romanian immigrant women living in Spain and its possible association with their personal, family, social support and immigration status characteristics. Methods: Cross-sectional study of 1607 adult immigrant women residing in Barcelona, Madrid and Valencia (2011). Prevalence rates and adjusted odds ratios (AORs) were calculated, with current IPV being the outcome. Different women’s personal (demographic), family, social support and immigration status characteristics were considered as explicative and control variables. All analyses were separated by women’s country of origin. Results: Current IPV prevalence was 15.57% in Ecuadorians, 10.91% in Moroccans and 8.58% in Romanians. Some common IPV factors were found, such as being separated and/or divorced. In Romanians, IPV was also associated with lack of social support [AOR 5.96 (1.39–25.62)] and low religious involvement [AOR 2.17 (1.06–4.43)]. The likelihood of current IPV was lower among women without children or other dependants in this subgroup [AOR 0.29 (0.093–0.92)]. Conclusion: The IPV prevalence rates obtained for Moroccan, Romanian and Ecuadorian women residing in Spain were similar. Whereas the likelihood of IPV appeared to be relatively evenly distributed among Moroccan and Ecuadorian women, it was higher among Romanian women in socially vulnerable situations related to family responsibilities and the lack of support networks. The importance of intervention in the process of separation and divorce was common to all women.

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In this paper, we describe our experience of using the Putting Women First protocol in the design and implementation of a cross-sectional study on violence against women (VAW) among 1607 immigrant women from Morocco, Ecuador and Romania living in Spain in 2011. The Putting Women First protocol is an ethical guideline for VAW research, which includes recommendations to ensure the safety of the women involved in studies on this subject. The response rate in this study was 59.3%. The prevalence of VAW cases last year was 11.7%, of which 15.6% corresponded to Ecuadorian women, 10.9% to Moroccan women and 8.6% to Romanian women. We consider that the most important goal for future research is the use of VAW scales validated in different languages, which would help to overcome the language barriers encountered in this study.

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The aim of this study was to explore the experience of service providers in Spain regarding their daily professional encounters with battered immigrant women and their perception of this group’s help-seeking process and the eventual abandonment of the same. Twenty-nine in-depth interviews and four focus group discussions were conducted with a total of 43 professionals involved in providing support to battered immigrant women. We interviewed social workers, psychologists, intercultural mediators, judges, lawyers, and public health professionals from Spain. Through qualitative content analysis, four categories emerged: (a) frustration with the victim’s decision to abandon the help-seeking process, (b) ambivalent positions regarding differences between immigrant and Spanish women, (c) difficulties in the migratory process that may hinder the help-seeking process, and (d) criticisms regarding the inefficiency of existing resources. The four categories were cross-cut by an overarching theme: helping immigrant women not to abandon the help-seeking process as a chronicle of anticipated failure. The main reasons that emerged for abandoning the help-seeking process involved structural factors such as economic dependence, loss of social support after leaving their country of origin, and limited knowledge about available resources. The professionals perceived their encounters with battered immigrant women to be frustrating and unproductive because they felt that they had few resources to back them up. They felt that despite the existence of public policies targeting intimate partner violence (IPV) and immigration in Spain, the resources dedicated to tackling gender-based violence were insufficient to meet battered immigrant women’s needs. Professionals should be trained both in the problem of IPV and in providing support to the immigrant population.

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Aim: To analyze changes in access to health care and its determinants in the immigrant and native-born populations in Spain, before and during the economic crisis. Methods: Comparative analysis of two iterations of the Spanish National Health Survey (2006 and 2012). Outcome variables were: unmet need and use of different healthcare levels; explanatory variables: need, predisposing and enabling factors. Multivariate models were performed (1) to compare outcome variables in each group between years, (2) to compare outcome variables between both groups within each year, and (3) to determine the factors associated with health service use for each group and year. Results: unmet healthcare needs decreased in 2012 compared to 2006; the use of health services remained constant, with some changes worth highlighting, such as the decline in general practitioner visits among autochthons and a narrowed gap in specialist visits between the two populations. The factors associated with health service use in 2006 remained constant in 2012. Conclusion: Access to healthcare did not worsen, possibly due to the fact that, until 2012, the national health system may have cushioned the deterioration of social determinants as a consequence of the financial crisis. Further studies are necessary to evaluate the effects of health policy responses to the crisis after 2012.

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Introduction: Since 2008, Spain has been in the throes of an economic crisis. This recession particularly affects the living conditions of vulnerable populations, and has also led to a reversal in social policies and a reduction in resources. In this context, the aim of this study was to explore intimate partner violence (IPV) service providers’ perceptions of the impact of the current economic crisis on these resources in Spain and on their capacity to respond to immigrant women’s needs experiencing IPV. Methods: A qualitative study was performed based on 43 semi-structured in-depth interviews to social workers, psychologists, intercultural mediators, judges, lawyers, police officers and health professionals from different services dealing with IPV (both, public and NGO’s) and cities in Spain (Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Alicante) in 2011. Transcripts were imported into qualitative analysis software (Atlas.ti), and analysed using qualitative content analysis. Results: We identified four categories related to the perceived impact of the current economic crisis: a) “Immigrant women have it harder now”, b) “IPV and immigration resources are the first in line for cuts”, c) “ Fewer staff means a less effective service” and d) “Equality and IPV policies are no longer a government priority”. A cross-cutting theme emerged from these categories: immigrant women are triply affected; by IPV, by the crisis, and by structural violence. Conclusion: The professionals interviewed felt that present resources in Spain are insufficient to meet the needs of immigrant women, and that the situation might worsen in the future.

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Objective. To synthesise the scientific evidence concerning barriers to health care access faced by migrants. We sought to critically analyse this evidence with a view to guiding policies. Design. A systematic review methodology was used to identify systematic and scoping reviews which quantitatively or qualitatively analysed data from primary studies. The main variables analysed were structural and contextual barriers (health system organisation) as well as individual (patients and providers). The quality of evidence from the systematic reviews was critically appraised. From 2674 reviews, 79 were retained for further scrutiny, and finally 9 met the inclusion criteria. Results. The structural barriers identified were the lack of health insurance and the high cost of drugs (non-universal health system) and organisational aspects of health system (social insurance system and national health system). The individual barriers were linguistic and cultural. None of the reviews provided a quality appraisal of the studies. Conclusions. Barriers to health care for migrants range from entitlement in non-universal health systems to accessibility in universal ones, and determinants of access to the respective health services should be analysed within the corresponding national context. Generate social and institutional changes that eliminate barriers to access to health services is essential to ensure health for all.

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Objective: To explore service providers’ perceptions in order to identify barriers and facilitators to effective coverage of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) services for immigrant women in Spain, according to the different categories proposed in Tanahashi's model of effective coverage. Methods: A qualitative study based on 29 in-depth personal interviews and four group interviews with a total of 43 professionals working in public services (social and health-care services, women's refuges, the police force, the judiciary) and NGOs in Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Alicante (Spain) in 2011. Findings: Current IPV services in Spain partially fail in their coverage of abused immigrant women due to barriers of (i) availability, such as the inexistence of culturally appropriate services; (ii) accessibility, as having a residence permit is a prerequisite for women's access to different services and rights; (iii) acceptability, such as women's lack of confidence in the effectiveness of services; and (iv) effectiveness, for example, lack of specific training among professionals on the issues of IPV and immigration. However, interviewees also identified facilitators, such as the enabling environment promoted by the Spanish Law on Gender-Based Violence (1/2004), and the impetus it has provided for the development of other specific legislative tools to address IPV in immigrant populations in Spain (availability, accessibility and effectiveness). Conclusion: Whilst not dismissing cultural barriers, aspects related to service structure are identified by providers as the main barriers and facilitators to immigrant women use of IPV services. Despite noteworthy achievements, improvements are still required in terms of mainstreaming assistance tailored to immigrant women's needs in IPV policies and services.

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Background: Previous economic recessions show that immigrant workers may experience longer periods of unemployment, a situation that may lead employees to presenteeism, the act of working in spite of a health problem. This study explored perceptions about the factors that lead to presenteeism in immigrant workers considering the context of economic crisis. Methods: Six focus group discussions were held (February 2012), with men and women from Colombia, Ecuador, and Morocco (n = 44) living in Spain and selected by theoretical sample. A qualitative content analysis was performed. Results: Four categories were identified as factors that influence the occurrence of presenteeism in a context of economic crisis: poor employment conditions, fear of unemployment, employer/employee relationship, and difficulties in finding temporary replacement workers. Furthermore, musculoskeletal, respiratory, and mental problems were related to presenteeism. Conclusions: It is important to develop strategies to protect workers from negative working conditions that are associated with deterioration of health.

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Background: The immigrant population living in Spain grew exponentially in the early 2000s but has been particularly affected by the economic crisis. This study aims to analyse health inequalities between immigrants born in middle- or low-income countries and natives in Spain, in 2006 and 2012, taking into account gender, year of arrival and socioeconomic exposures. Methods: Study of trends using two cross-sections, the 2006 and 2012 editions of the Spanish National Health Survey, including residents in Spain aged 15–64 years (20 810 natives and 2950 immigrants in 2006, 14 291 natives and 2448 immigrants in 2012). Fair/poor self-rated health, poor mental health (GHQ-12 > 2), chronic activity limitation and use of psychotropic drugs were compared between natives and immigrants who arrived in Spain before 2006, adjusting robust Poisson regression models for age and socioeconomic variables to obtain prevalence ratios (PR) and 95% confidence interval (CI). Results: Inequalities in poor self-rated health between immigrants and natives tend to increase among women (age-adjusted PR2006 = 1.39; 95% CI: 1.24–1.56, PR2012 = 1.56; 95% CI: 1.33–1.82). Among men, there is a new onset of inequalities in poor mental health (PR2006 = 1.10; 95% CI: 0.86–1.40, PR2012 = 1.34; 95% CI: 1.06–1.69) and an equalization of the previously lower use of psychotropic drugs (PR2006 = 0.22; 95% CI: 0.11–0.43, PR2012 = 1.20; 95% CI: 0.73–2.01). Conclusions: Between 2006 and 2012, immigrants who arrived in Spain before 2006 appeared to worsen their health status when compared with natives. The loss of the healthy immigrant effect in the context of a worse impact of the economic crisis on immigrants appears as potential explanation. Employment, social protection and re-universalization of healthcare would prevent further deterioration of immigrants’ health status.

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Background: Several publications have documented the effects of economic recessions on health. However, little is known about how economic recessions influence working conditions, especially among vulnerable workers. Objective: To explore the effects of 2008 economic crisis on the prevalence of adverse psychosocial working conditions among Spanish and foreign national workers. Methods: Data come from the 2007 and 2011 Spanish Working Conditions Surveys. Survey year, sociodemographic, and occupational information were independent variables and psychosocial factors exposures were dependent variables. Analyses were stratified by nationality (Spanish versus foreign). Prevalence and adjusted prevalence ratios (aPRs) of psychological job demands, job control, job social support, physical demands and perceived job insecurity were estimated using Poisson regression. Results: The Spanish population had higher risk of psychological and physical job demand (aPR = 1.07, 95% CI = [1.04–1.10] and aPR = 1.05, 95% CI = [1.01–1.09], respectively) in 2011 compared to 2007. Among both Spanish and foreign national workers, greater aPR were found for job loss in 2011 compared to 2007 (aPR = 2.47, 95% CI = [2.34–2.60]; aPR = 2.44, 95% CI = [2.15–2.77], respectively). Conclusion: The 2008 economic crisis was associated with a significant increase in physical demands in Spanish workers and increased job insecurity for both Spanish and foreign workers.

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Copies of two documents, approved 20 Apr. 1730; instructions to Richard Philips state that a number of Protestant Irish and Palatine families have been granted land in Nova Scotia, to be surveyed by David Dunbar; and instructions to Dunbar to survey and lay out land for the families.

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This research explores whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can contribute to more effectively regulating the working conditions of temporary migrant farmworkers in North America. This dissertation unfolds in five parts. The first part of the dissertation sets out the background context. The context includes the political economy of agriculture and temporary migrant labour more broadly. It also includes the political economy of the legal regulations that govern immigration and work relations. The second part of the research builds an analytical model for studying the operation of CSOs active in working with the migrant farmworker population. The purpose of the analytical framework is to make sense of real-world examples by providing categories for analysis and a means to get at the channels of influence that CSOs utilize to achieve their aims. To this end, the model incorporates the insights from three significant bodies of literature—regulatory studies, labour studies, and economic sociology. The third part of the dissertation suggests some key strategic issues that CSOs should consider when intervening to assist migrant farmworkers, and also proposes a series of hypotheses about how CSOs can participate in the regulatory process. The fourth part probes and extends these hypotheses by empirically investigating the operation of three CSOs that are currently active in assisting migrant farm workers in North America: the Agricultural Workers Alliance (Canada), Global Workers’ Justice Alliance (USA), and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (USA). The fifth and final part draws together lessons from the empirical work and concluded that CSOs can fill gaps left by the waning power of actors, such as trade unions and labour inspectorates, as well as act in ways that these traditional actors can not.

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At first glance the Aliens Restriction Act of 1914, which was introduced and passed on the first day of World War One, seems a hasty and ill-prepared piece of legislation. Actually, when examined in the light of Arthur Marwick's thesis that war is a forcing house for pre-existent social and governmental ideas, it becomes clear that the act was not after all the product of hastily formed notions. In point of fact it followed the precedent of detailed draft clauses produced in 1911 by a sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence established to consider the treatment of aliens in the event of war. Indeed the draft clauses and the restrictions embodied in the 1914 act were strikingly similar to restrictions on aliens legislated in 1793. Hostility to aliens had been growing from 1905 to 1914 and this hostility blossomed into xeno-phobia on the outbreak of war, a crucial precondition for the specifically anti-enemy fears of the time. In 1919 the Aliens Restriction (Amendment) Bill was introduced into parliament to extend temporarily the provisions of the 1914 act thus permitting the Home Secretary to plan permanent, detailed legislation. Two minority groups of MPs with extreme views on the treatment of aliens were prominent in the debates on this bill. The extreme Liberal group which advocated leniency in the treatment of aliens had little effect on the final form of the bill, but the extreme Conservative group, which demanded severe restrictions on aliens, succeeded in persuading the government to include detailed restrictions. Despite its allegedly temporary nature, the Aliens Restriction (Amendment) Act of 1919 was renewed annually until 1971.