922 resultados para Power-to-Gas (P2G)


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Advances in novel molecular biological diagnostic methods are changing the way of diagnosis and study of metabolic disorders like growth hormone deficiency. Faster sequencing and genotyping methods require strong bioinformatics tools to make sense of the vast amount of data generated by modern laboratories. Advances in genome sequencing and computational power to analyze the whole genome sequences will guide the diagnostics of future. In this chapter, an overview of some basic bioinformatics resources that are needed to study metabolic disorders are reviewed and some examples of bioinformatics analysis of human growth hormone gene, protein and structure are provided.

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This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

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Cezary Trutkowski (Poland). Social representations of Politics. Mr. Trutkowski is an assistant in the Institute for Social Research of the University of Warsaw and worked on this research from August 1997 to July 1999. Research into social representations requires the use of various methods to show the phenomenon from different angles. In contrast with the contemporary trend towards the measurement of attitudes in opinion surveys, Trutkowski examined social representations of politics in order to study the problem of political participation. He thus aimed to study a problem which he sees as social in nature from a really sociological perspective. His research revealed a very distinctive difference between the social representations of politics shared by politicians and by the general public. The former consider politics in general as struggle for power which can be used to pursue their own vision of social order. They perceive political activity as a kind of homage to be paid to the greater idea that they pursue. At the same time, politicians admitted that politics is very often treated by political actors as a means of gaining personal profit, becoming purely a fight for the power to rule. According to voters, politicians should be treated as employees on a contract, the duration of which depends on their performance. Politics is therefore not a homage to an idea but a service to citizens. They did however admit that this is wishful thinking in Poland today. A content analysis of electoral campaigns confirmed the dark side of the representation of politics: politicians spend the campaign making promises and presenting visions on television, and quarrelling and fighting in everyday activities that were reported by the press. Trutkowski sees his research as a contribution to the foundations of a new approach to studying mass phenomena. By reviving some forgotten ideas of Durkheim and the Chicago School and incorporating the theory of social representations with a new methodological programme, he believes that it is possible to build a more social social psychology and sociology.

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Publication bias and related bias in meta-analysis is often examined by visually checking for asymmetry in funnel plots of treatment effect against its standard error. Formal statistical tests of funnel plot asymmetry have been proposed, but when applied to binary outcome data these can give false-positive rates that are higher than the nominal level in some situations (large treatment effects, or few events per trial, or all trials of similar sizes). We develop a modified linear regression test for funnel plot asymmetry based on the efficient score and its variance, Fisher's information. The performance of this test is compared to the other proposed tests in simulation analyses based on the characteristics of published controlled trials. When there is little or no between-trial heterogeneity, this modified test has a false-positive rate close to the nominal level while maintaining similar power to the original linear regression test ('Egger' test). When the degree of between-trial heterogeneity is large, none of the tests that have been proposed has uniformly good properties.

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High-throughput SNP arrays provide estimates of genotypes for up to one million loci, often used in genome-wide association studies. While these estimates are typically very accurate, genotyping errors do occur, which can influence in particular the most extreme test statistics and p-values. Estimates for the genotype uncertainties are also available, although typically ignored. In this manuscript, we develop a framework to incorporate these genotype uncertainties in case-control studies for any genetic model. We verify that using the assumption of a “local alternative” in the score test is very reasonable for effect sizes typically seen in SNP association studies, and show that the power of the score test is simply a function of the correlation of the genotype probabilities with the true genotypes. We demonstrate that the power to detect a true association can be substantially increased for difficult to call genotypes, resulting in improved inference in association studies.

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The etiology of complex diseases is heterogeneous. The presence of risk alleles in one or more genetic loci affects the function of a variety of intermediate biological pathways, resulting in the overt expression of disease. Hence, there is an increasing focus on identifying the genetic basis of disease by sytematically studying phenotypic traits pertaining to the underlying biological functions. In this paper we focus on identifying genetic loci linked to quantitative phenotypic traits in experimental crosses. Such genetic mapping methods often use a one stage design by genotyping all the markers of interest on the available subjects. A genome scan based on single locus or multi-locus models is used to identify the putative loci. Since the number of quantitative trait loci (QTLs) is very likely to be small relative to the number of markers genotyped, a one-stage selective genotyping approach is commonly used to reduce the genotyping burden, whereby markers are genotyped solely on individuals with extreme trait values. This approach is powerful in the presence of a single quantitative trait locus (QTL) but may result in substantial loss of information in the presence of multiple QTLs. Here we investigate the efficiency of sequential two stage designs to identify QTLs in experimental populations. Our investigations for backcross and F2 crosses suggest that genotyping all the markers on 60% of the subjects in Stage 1 and genotyping the chromosomes significant at 20% level using additional subjects in Stage 2 and testing using all the subjects provides an efficient approach to identify the QTLs and utilizes only 70% of the genotyping burden relative to a one stage design, regardless of the heritability and genotyping density. Complex traits are a consequence of multiple QTLs conferring main effects as well as epistatic interactions. We propose a two-stage analytic approach where a single-locus genome scan is conducted in Stage 1 to identify promising chromosomes, and interactions are examined using the loci on these chromosomes in Stage 2. We examine settings under which the two-stage analytic approach provides sufficient power to detect the putative QTLs.

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Chronic alcohol consumption is a major risk factor for the development of chronic pancreatitis. However, chronic pancreatitis occurs only in a minority of heavy drinkers. This variability may be due to yet unidentified genetic factors. Several enzymes involved in the degradation of reactive oxidants and xenobiotics, such as glutathione-S-transferase P1 (GSTP1) and manganese-superoxide dismutase (MnSOD) reveal functional polymorphisms that affect the antioxidative capacity and may therefore modulate the development of chronic pancreatitis and long-term complications like endocrine and exocrine pancreatic insufficiency. Two functional polymorphisms of the MnSOD and the GSTP1 gene were assessed by polymerase chain reaction and restriction fragment length polymorphism in 165 patients with chronic alcoholic pancreatitis, 140 alcoholics without evidence of pancreatic disease and 160 healthy control subjects. The distribution of GSTP1 and MnSOD genotypes were in Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium in the total cohort. Genotype and allele frequencies for both genes were not statistically different between the three groups. Although genotype MnSOD Ala/Val was seemingly associated with the presence of exocrine pancreatic insufficiency, this subgroup was too small and the association statistically underpowered. None of the tested genotypes affected the development of endocrine pancreatic insufficiency. Polymorphisms of MnSOD and GSTP1 are not associated with chronic alcoholic pancreatitis. The present data emphasize the need for stringently designed candidate gene association studies with well-characterized cases and controls and sufficient statistical power to exclude chance observations.

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BACKGROUND: Steam pops are a risk of irrigated radiofrequency catheter ablation (RFA) and may cause cardiac perforation. Data to guide radiofrequency (RF) energy titration to avoid steam pops are limited. OBJECTIVE: This study sought to assess the frequency and consequence of audible pops and to determine the feasibility of using the magnitude of impedance change to predict pops. METHODS: We reviewed consecutive endocardial open-irrigated RFA for ventricular tachycardia (VT) with continuously recorded ablation data in 142 patients with structural heart disease. Steam pops were defined as an audible pop associated with a sudden spike in impedance. Ablation lesions before or after pops served as controls. RESULTS: From a total of 4,107 ablation lesions, 62 (1.5%) steam pops occurred in 42 procedures in 38 patients. Perforation with tamponade occurred with 1 of 62 (2%) pops. Applications with pops had a greater impedance decrease (22 +/- 7 Omega vs. 18 +/- 8 Omega, P = .001) and a higher maximum power (45 +/- 5 W vs. 43 +/- 6 W, P = .011), but did not differ in maximum catheter tip temperature (40 degrees C +/- 4 degrees C vs. 40 degrees C +/- 4 degrees C, P = .180) from applications without pops. Eighty percent of pops occurred after impedance decreased by at least 18 Omega. CONCLUSION: During VT ablation with open irrigation, audible pops are infrequent and do not usually cause perforation. Limiting RF power to achieve an impedance decrease of <18 Omega is a feasible method of reducing the likelihood of a pop when perforation risk is of concern.

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In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.

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How do prevailing narratives about Native Americans, particularly in the medium of film, conspire to promote the perspective of the dominant culture? What makes the appropriation of Indigenous images so metaphorically popular? In the past hundred years, little has changed in the forms of representation favored by Hollywood. The introductory chapter elucidates the problem and outlines the scope of this study. As each subsequent chapter makes clear, the problem is as relevant today as it has been throughout the entire course of filmic history. Chapter Two analyzes representational trends and defines each decade according to its favorite stereotype. The binary of the bloodthirsty savage is just as prevalent as it was during the 1920s and 30s. The same holds true for the drunken scapegoat and the exotic maiden, which made their cinematic debuts in the 1940s and 50s. But Hollywood has added new types as well. The visionary peacemaker and environmental activist have also made an appearance within the last forty years. What matters most is not the realism of these images, but rather the purposes to which they can be put toward validating whatever concerns the majority filmmakers wish to promote. Whether naïvely or not, such representations continue to evacuate Indigenous agency to the advantage of the majority. A brief historical overview confirms this legacy. Various disciplines have sought to interrogate this problem. Chapter three investigates the field of postcolonial studies, which makes inquiry into the various ways these narratives are produced, marketed, and consumed. It also raises the key questions of for whom, and by whom, these narratives are constructed. Additional consideration is given to their value as commodities in the mass marketplace. Typically the products of a boutique-multiculturalism, their storylines are apt to promote the prevailing point of view. Critical theory provides a foundational framework for chapter four. What is the blockbuster formula and how do the instruments of capital promote it? Concepts such as culture industry and repressive tolerance examine both the function and form of the master narrative, as well as its use to control the avenues of dissent. Moreover, the public sphere and its diminishment highlight the challenges inherent in the widespread promotion of an alternative set of narratives. Nonetheless, challenges to prevailing narratives do exist, particularly in the form of Trickster narratives. Often subject to persistent misrecognition, the Trickster demonstrates a potent form of agency that undeniably dismantles the hegemony of Western cinema. The final chapter examines some of the Trickster's more subtle and obscure productions. Usually subjugated to the realm of the mystical, rather than the mythical, these misinterpreted forms have the power to speak in circles around a majority audience. Intended for an Other audience, they are coded in a language that delivers a type of direction through indirection, promoting a poignant agency all their own.

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Charcoal has been known for a considerable length of time to have the property of recovering gold, silver, and copper from cyanide solutions of these metals. Quantita­tive data that may shed light on the mechanism of the re­moval of these metals is very limited except that char­coal in a form known as activated has the power to abstract gold and silver in considerable quantities from the above solutions.

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BACKGROUND: Bleeding is a frequent complication during surgery. The intraoperative administration of blood products, including packed red blood cells, platelets and fresh frozen plasma (FFP), is often live saving. Complications of blood transfusions contribute considerably to perioperative costs and blood product resources are limited. Consequently, strategies to optimize the decision to transfuse are needed. Bleeding during surgery is a dynamic process and may result in major blood loss and coagulopathy due to dilution and consumption. The indication for transfusion should be based on reliable coagulation studies. While hemoglobin levels and platelet counts are available within 15 minutes, standard coagulation studies require one hour. Therefore, the decision to administer FFP has to be made in the absence of any data. Point of care testing of prothrombin time ensures that one major parameter of coagulation is available in the operation theatre within minutes. It is fast, easy to perform, inexpensive and may enable physicians to rationally determine the need for FFP. METHODS/DESIGN: The objective of the POC-OP trial is to determine the effectiveness of point of care prothrombin time testing to reduce the administration of FFP. It is a patient and assessor blind, single center randomized controlled parallel group trial in 220 patients aged between 18 and 90 years undergoing major surgery (any type, except cardiac surgery and liver transplantation) with an estimated blood loss during surgery exceeding 20% of the calculated total blood volume or a requirement of FFP according to the judgment of the physicians in charge. Patients are randomized to usual care plus point of care prothrombin time testing or usual care alone without point of care testing. The primary outcome is the relative risk to receive any FFP perioperatively. The inclusion of 110 patients per group will yield more than 80% power to detect a clinically relevant relative risk of 0.60 to receive FFP of the experimental as compared with the control group. DISCUSSION: Point of care prothrombin time testing in the operation theatre may reduce the administration of FFP considerably, which in turn may decrease costs and complications usually associated with the administration of blood products. TRIAL REGISTRATION: NCT00656396.

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Hyperglycaemia is common in acute illness and more severe hyperglycaemia is associated with worse outcomes in critically ill patients in general and after acute myocardial infarction, stroke, and trauma. Normalization of blood glucose by intensive insulin therapy has been shown to reduce morbidity and mortality in one study in surgical intensive care patients; a subsequent study in medical intensive care patients resulted in reduced morbidity but not a reduction in mortality. Multicentre studies and current meta-analyses in the critically ill have not demonstrated improved outcomes when normalization of blood glucose was targeted; furthermore all studies to date have detected an increased risk of hypoglycaemia in patients subjected to intensive insulin therapy. At present, universal treatment guidelines or recommendations to target strict normoglycaemia must be considered premature. Further data will be available after the completion of the NICE-SUGAR study which has recruited 6103 patients; the NICE SUGAR study will add significant power to future meta-analyses and may help define the role of intensive insulin therapy in critically ill patients.

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The emergence of the state in Europe is a topic that has engaged historians since the establishment of the discipline of history. Yet the primary focus of has nearly always been to take a top-down approach, whereby the formation and consolidation of public institutions is viewed as the outcome of activities by princes and other social elites. Yet, as the essays in this collection show, such an approach does not provide a complete picture. By investigating the importance of local and individual initiatives that contributed to state building from the late middle ages through to the nineteenth century, this volume shows how popular pressure could influence those in power to develop new institutional structures. By not privileging the role of warfare and of elite coercion for state building, it is possible to question the traditional top-down model and explore the degree to which central agencies might have been more important for state representation than for state practice. The studies included in this collection treat many parts of Europe and deal with different phases in the period between the late middle ages and the nineteenth century. Beginning with a critical review of state historiography, the introduction then sets out the concept of 'empowering interactions' which is then explored in the subsequent case studies and a number of historiographical, methodological and theoretical essays. Taken as a whole this collection provides a fascinating platform to reconsider the relationships between top-down and bottom-up processes in the history of the European state.

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This article discusses democratic elements in early Islamic sources and in the programs of the Algerian FIS (Front Islamique du Salut) and ANNAHDA in Tunesia. According to historic writings, Islam includes the principles of democratic consensus, consultation, and freedom of opinion, and an understanding that the sources of Islamic jurisdiction are subject to interpretation, that the sharia can be changed, and that religious authorities’ power to issue instructions on worldly matters is limited. These are the type of expectations that fundamentalist parties arouse when they speak of an Islamic caliphate as a state system. Against this background, an examination of the political system proposed until 1992 by the Algerian FIS shows that this system would have resulted in a very restrictive form of Islam. An investigation of the political system of the Tunisian fundamentalist leader Rached al-Ghannouchi reveals that the system he proposes may be designated as an Islamic democracy, since it takes into account separation of powers and pluralism of political parties. The head of state would be subject to the law in the same manner as the people. However, it is no liberal democracy, as he categorically rejects secularism, intends to punish apostates, and is only willing to allow political parties that are based on the religion of Islam. His state would only be a state of those citizens who follow Islam, completely neglecting secularist groups. Social conflicts and unrest are thus predetermined.