Sport, body and power: Reassessing the myth of President Kekkonen

Former President of Finland Urho Kekkonen was not only a powerful politician but also a well-known sportsman and keep-fit enthusiast. The president’s sports hobbies were covered and celebrated in the media and thus became an integral part of his public persona. This paper looks at Kekkonen’s athletic and able-bodied image and its significance for his power from the perspective of gender. In his exercise activities, Kekkonen was able to display his bodily prowess and demonstrate his version of masculinity, which emphasized both physical and mental strength. The union of mind and muscle in turn buttressed his political ascendancy. Kekkonen’s athletic body served as a cornerstone of his dominance over his country and, simultaneously, as a shield protecting Finland from both internal and external threats. Furthermore, Kekkonen’s sports performances were essential elements in the myth that was created around the president during his term and which was carefully conserved after his fall from power. Drawing upon scholarship on men and masculinities, this paper reassesses the still-effective mythical image of Kekkonen as an invincible superman. The article reveals the performative nature of his athletic activities and shows that in part, his pre-eminence in them was nothing more than theatre enacted by him and his entourage. Thus, Kekkonen’s superior and super-masculine image was actually surprisingly vulnerable and dependent on the success of the performance. The president’s ageing, in particular, demonstrates the fragility of his displays of prowess, strength and masculinity, and shows how fragile the entanglement of body and power can be.

Relook into the historical progress and philosophy of Indian space exploration

A study of the history and philosophy of the contribution of India towards the exploration of space since antiquity provides interesting insights. The contributions are described during the three periods namely: (1) the ten millenniums from 10,000 BC with a twilight period up to 900 AD; (2) the ten centuries from 900 AD to 1900 AD; and (3) the ten decades from 1900 AD to 2000 AD; called mythological, medieval, and modern respectively. Some important events during the above periods provide a reference view of the progress. The Vedas during the mythological period and the Siddhantas during the medieval periods, which are based on astronomical observations, indicate that the Indian contribution preceded other cultures. But most Western historians ignore this fact time and again in spite of many proofs provided to the contrary. This chapter also shows that Indians had the proper scientific attitude of developing any physical theory through the triplet of mind, model, and measurements. It is this same triplet that forms the basis of the present day well known Kalman filter technique. Up to about 1500 BC the Indian contribution was leading but during foreign invasion and occupation it lagged and has been improving only after independence.

A mean-reverting stochastic model for the political business cycle

In this article, we look at the political business cycle problem through the lens of uncertainty. The feedback control used by us is the famous NKPC with stochasticity and wage rigidities. We extend the New Keynesian Phillips Curve model to the continuous time stochastic set up with an Ornstein-Uhlenbeck process. We minimize relevant expected quadratic cost by solving the corresponding Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman equation. The basic intuition of the classical model is qualitatively carried forward in our set up but uncertainty also plays an important role in determining the optimal trajectory of the voter support function. The internal variability of the system acts as a base shifter for the support function in the risk neutral case. The role of uncertainty is even more prominent in the risk averse case where all the shape parameters are directly dependent on variability. Thus, in this case variability controls both the rates of change as well as the base shift parameters. To gain more insight we have also studied the model when the coefficients are time invariant and studied numerical solutions. The close relationship between the unemployment rate and the support function for the incumbent party is highlighted. The role of uncertainty in creating sampling fluctuation in this set up, possibly towards apparently anomalous results, is also explored.

Los universitarios y sus concepciones políticas a la luz del neotomismo argentino al filo de los siglos XIX y XX

Resumen: Los avances del liberalismo conmovieron, en buena medida, a la filosofía cristiana. Efectivamente él consagró el valor de la libertad como aspiración máxima y, en su nombre, se intentó sacudir el yugo de la autoridad y la Iglesia no quedó al margen, por lo que los católicos se replantearon muchas de sus posiciones, a fin de poder brindar las respuestas sociales que la sociedad estaba reclamando. Fue así que apareció la tercera escolástica, concebida como un movimiento de renovación contra el liberalismo que lo había invadido todo. Los propulsores de esta corriente decidieron restaurar en las escuelas y universidades la filosofía de Santo Tomás. La Argentina sufrió también las embestidas del liberalismo, lo que impulsó a los católicos a prepararse para plasmar soluciones en las más diversas áreas, con la idea de fondo de imponer el catolicismo como el principio organizador del medio social, argumentando que esa había sido la tendencia histórica en el país. Así fue como la tercera renovación escolástica, o neotomismo, penetró en la Argentina a fines del siglo XIX y en el XX, y se impuso tanto entre los seminaristas como en la Universidad de Córdoba y particularmente en su Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Durante los últimos años del otoño decimonónico la neoescolástica estuvo presente en muchas de las tesis presentadas en la Facultad de Derecho, siguiendo, en este aspecto, una tradición de la universidad cordobesa, la que predominaba también entre ciertos profesores. En este trabajo rastreamos los fundamentos del poder político que se encuentran en esos trabajos, refiriéndonos, por un lado, a la visión del grupo sobre el orden, a la igualdad y el progreso y, por otro, a los derechos del hombre.

Recovering Nussbaum's aristotelian roots

Abstract: The paper examines the relationship between Creating Capabilities and political liberalism. Originally founded on the basis of Aristotelian philosophy, the theory of ‘capabilities’ developed by Nussbaum turns to political liberalism in the mid 90’s. Throughout the article, the principles of both perspectives are depicted and contrasted, focusing on the capacity of affiliation, the concept of common good and the idea of freedom. Severine Deneulin argues that the current reality calls for the capabilities approach to be more rooted in a relational anthropology which the Aristotelian ethical tradition is more akin to. This line can be found in Nussbaum’s first approach to the theory of capabilities, where affiliation as an architectonic capability leads to the common good being the end of political action, and practical reason as an architectonic capability leads to reasoning ordered towards the achievement of the common good, to the detriment of individualism.

Filosofando en medio del caos : Agustín de Hipona y sus enseñanzas sobre la verdad y la justicia

Resumen: Este artículo tiene por objeto a uno de los filósofos medievales más importantes del pensamiento occidental: nos referimos a Agustín de Hipona. En este escrito intentaremos examinar y analizar, primero, el contexto biográfico, social y político de su época, ya que no podemos pretender comprender el pensamiento de un filósofo fuera de las circunstancias en que dicho pensamiento se gestó; luego de analizar el contexto histórico intentaremos justificar la postura que sostiene que San Agustín fue realmente un pensador medieval, a pesar de que no se sitúe dentro de los límites temporales que señala la tradición para la Edad Media. En segundo lugar, intentaremos poner de manifiesto sus enseñanzas acerca de la verdad y de la justicia; y, finalmente, intentaremos ubicarlas dentro de los esquemas clasificatorios de Jorge Saltor y Nicasio Barrera.

Contingencia o justicia trascendental : Luhman o Höffe?

Resumen: El autor expone los argumentos centrales desarrollados tanto por Höffe como por Luhmann respecto de los fundamentos de un orden normativo institucional que garanticen una justicia política y no-metafísica. Así, presenta las contribuciones de ambos pensadores; explica -en la primera sección- la ética luhmaniana, y más adelante describe la crítica de Höffe al positivismo luhmanniano. Finalmente, el autor rescata las contribuciones de Luhmann y Höffe y las ubica como las más relevantes de las últimas décadas en materia de filosofía del derecho alemán.

Derechos humanos: una aproximación conceptual y su relación con la salud

Resumen: Este trabajo tiene como objetivo principal desarrollar un análisis conceptual de “Derechos Humanos”. Primeramente se dará cuenta de las definiciones habituales, entre ellas, aquellas facultades e institutos que, en cada momento histórico, concretan las exigencias de libertad, igualdad y dignidad humana, y que deben ser reconocidos por los ordenamientos normativos interno e internacional. A su vez, se pasará revista a sus características (innatos, necesarios, inalienables, imprescriptibles, oponibles erga omnes , universales, laicos, carentes de connotación ideológica, ya sea religiosa o política, fundados en una filosofía humanista e indivisibles. Luego, se enunciarán y analizarán sus fuentes y antecedentes históricos: desde 1945 con la Carta de la ONU, hasta 1993 en la Conferencia de Viena. Además, se estudiarán los principales sistemas de protección tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. Finalmente -y como ejemplo ilustrativo de uno de los Derechos Humanos-, se explicitará a la Bioética, puntualizando el análisis en el derecho a la salud

Los teólogos de la revolución : clero popular y clero ilustrado

El autor señala el papel singular y de primera magnitud que asumió el clero en los tres primeros decenios de la configuración política y organización de Argentina. El artículo presenta el cuadro cultural del Virreinato en los tiempos de la Revolución, los centros de estudio de la filosofía y de la teología en el Virreinato a los que recurrían el clero secular y religioso y el lugar que les cupo a las órdenes religiosas en esa tarea. Se hace referencia al rol que asumió el clero ilustrado, tanto religioso como secular, en la justificación doctrinaria tanto teológica como política y la fundamentación de la Revolución, y la influencia del clero popular en la realización de dicho proyecto, a la cabeza de los movimientos; ambos integrados predominantemente por criollos. Se han elegido ocho teólogos, nativos todos, cinco con grado de doctor en teología y los restantes tres con estudios superiores en filosofía, la mayoría jóvenes.

Local exchange in the southern levant during the early bronze age: a political economy viewpoint

Trade and relations between the southern Levant and other regions of the Near East (mainly Egypt) during the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3,600–2,300 BC) have been the subject of many studies. Research concerning the exchange of local commodities was almost ignored or was discussed in parochial studies, focusing on specific archaeological finds. It is the intention of this paper to present the results of recent research of the exchange of commodities provided by archaeological data from excavations in the Southern Levant with regard to economic theories on the exchange-value of goods and exchange networks. Conclusions regarding the type of society and the forms of government in the Southern Levant during the Early Bronze Age are also presented.

Incorporating American Dreams into Australian Stories: Political Erasure and cultural transference in film adaptations of Australian Literary Classics

Eterio Pajares, Raquel Merino y José Miguel Santamaría (eds.)

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

Four essays on the empirical analysis of political ideology

This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.