856 resultados para Muslim saints--Cult


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The chapter argues that language and cultural communication matter in a transnational world and that the transmission of prejudices against minorities has to be closely analysed while contextualising national histories with minorities. Looking at two spatial sites (Leeds and Warsaw) and analysing interview material that was drawn from a larger study, the authors discuss the way local people address difference particularly through the axes of gendered ethnicity (Muslim men) and gendered class (male underclass). It explores how the same categories of difference are discursively produced in Poland and the UK/ England; to what degree they differ or overlap.

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Internet Tra c, Internet Applications, Internet Attacks, Tra c Pro ling, Multi-Scale Analysis abstract Nowadays, the Internet can be seen as an ever-changing platform where new and di erent types of services and applications are constantly emerging. In fact, many of the existing dominant applications, such as social networks, have appeared recently, being rapidly adopted by the user community. All these new applications required the implementation of novel communication protocols that present di erent network requirements, according to the service they deploy. All this diversity and novelty has lead to an increasing need of accurately pro ling Internet users, by mapping their tra c to the originating application, in order to improve many network management tasks such as resources optimization, network performance, service personalization and security. However, accurately mapping tra c to its originating application is a di cult task due to the inherent complexity of existing network protocols and to several restrictions that prevent the analysis of the contents of the generated tra c. In fact, many technologies, such as tra c encryption, are widely deployed to assure and protect the con dentiality and integrity of communications over the Internet. On the other hand, many legal constraints also forbid the analysis of the clients' tra c in order to protect their con dentiality and privacy. Consequently, novel tra c discrimination methodologies are necessary for an accurate tra c classi cation and user pro ling. This thesis proposes several identi cation methodologies for an accurate Internet tra c pro ling while coping with the di erent mentioned restrictions and with the existing encryption techniques. By analyzing the several frequency components present in the captured tra c and inferring the presence of the di erent network and user related events, the proposed approaches are able to create a pro le for each one of the analyzed Internet applications. The use of several probabilistic models will allow the accurate association of the analyzed tra c to the corresponding application. Several enhancements will also be proposed in order to allow the identi cation of hidden illicit patterns and the real-time classi cation of captured tra c. In addition, a new network management paradigm for wired and wireless networks will be proposed. The analysis of the layer 2 tra c metrics and the di erent frequency components that are present in the captured tra c allows an e cient user pro ling in terms of the used web-application. Finally, some usage scenarios for these methodologies will be presented and discussed.

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A distribui ção de um sinal relógio, com elevada precisão espacial (baixo skew) e temporal (baixo jitter ), em sistemas sí ncronos de alta velocidade tem-se revelado uma tarefa cada vez mais demorada e complexa devido ao escalonamento da tecnologia. Com a diminuição das dimensões dos dispositivos e a integração crescente de mais funcionalidades nos Circuitos Integrados (CIs), a precisão associada as transições do sinal de relógio tem sido cada vez mais afectada por varia ções de processo, tensão e temperatura. Esta tese aborda o problema da incerteza de rel ogio em CIs de alta velocidade, com o objetivo de determinar os limites do paradigma de desenho sí ncrono. Na prossecu ção deste objectivo principal, esta tese propõe quatro novos modelos de incerteza com âmbitos de aplicação diferentes. O primeiro modelo permite estimar a incerteza introduzida por um inversor est atico CMOS, com base em parâmetros simples e su cientemente gen éricos para que possa ser usado na previsão das limitações temporais de circuitos mais complexos, mesmo na fase inicial do projeto. O segundo modelo, permite estimar a incerteza em repetidores com liga ções RC e assim otimizar o dimensionamento da rede de distribui ção de relógio, com baixo esfor ço computacional. O terceiro modelo permite estimar a acumula ção de incerteza em cascatas de repetidores. Uma vez que este modelo tem em considera ção a correla ção entre fontes de ruí do, e especialmente util para promover t ecnicas de distribui ção de rel ogio e de alimentação que possam minimizar a acumulação de incerteza. O quarto modelo permite estimar a incerteza temporal em sistemas com m ultiplos dom ínios de sincronismo. Este modelo pode ser facilmente incorporado numa ferramenta autom atica para determinar a melhor topologia para uma determinada aplicação ou para avaliar a tolerância do sistema ao ru ído de alimentação. Finalmente, usando os modelos propostos, são discutidas as tendências da precisão de rel ogio. Conclui-se que os limites da precisão do rel ogio são, em ultima an alise, impostos por fontes de varia ção dinâmica que se preveem crescentes na actual l ogica de escalonamento dos dispositivos. Assim sendo, esta tese defende a procura de solu ções em outros ní veis de abstração, que não apenas o ní vel f sico, que possam contribuir para o aumento de desempenho dos CIs e que tenham um menor impacto nos pressupostos do paradigma de desenho sí ncrono.

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Since its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi), a Kurdish political party that is endeavoring to situate itself in the mainstream of Turkey’s political landscape. We posit that the HDP can be viewed as the offspring of this “democratic opening,” a project that was meant to ensure a radical transformation of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Through analysing the historical trajectory of both AKP and HDP and the militant democratic arguments that led to their predecessors’ exclusion from the public sphere, this article engages with the key question of the extent to which the AKP’s treatment of the Kurdish issue has provided a vehicle for broader democratisation and facilitated a reconsideration of the Kurdish question in Turkey.

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Tese de mestrado, Estudos Românicos (Cultura Portuguesa), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2011

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Tese de doutoramento, História (Arqueologia), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014

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Tese de doutoramento, Antropologia (Antropologia do Parentesco e do Género), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2015

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This research is a study of modern developments of the institutions of the Nizārī Ismaili imamate during the time of the present Ismaili Imam, Shāh Karīm al-Ḥusaynī, Aga Khan IV, as the 49th hereditary living Imam of Shiʿi Nizārī Ismaili Muslims, particularly addressing the formation of the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) and the functions of the Community institutions. Using the case study of the Aga Khan Development Network and the Nizārī Ismaili imamate, this research demonstrates that the three ideal types of authority as proposed by Weber, namely the traditional, charismatic and legal-bureaucratic types, are not sufficient to explain the dynamics of authority among Muslims. This is partly due to Weber’s belief in the uniqueness of Western civilisation, which is a product of his thesis on Protestant Ethics and partly because his ideal typical system does not work in the case of the Muslim societies. The Ismaili imamate with its multifarious institutions in contemporary times is the most suitable counter-example by which to powerfully demonstrate that Weberian models of authority fail to explain this phenomenon and it would indeed appear as a paradoxical institution if viewed with Weberian theses. The Ismaili imamate in contemporary times represents a paradigm shift and a transmutation not only as regards the Weberian models but also when viewed from inside the tradition of Shiʿi Muslim history. This evolutionary leap forward, which has been crystallised over the course of the past half a century, in the Ismaili imamate suggests the development of a new form of authority which is unprecedented. There are clearly various elements in this form of authority which could be discerned as rooted in tradition and history; however the distinctive elements of this new form of authority give it a defining and exciting dimension. There are several qualities which are peculiar to the contemporary condition of the Ismaili imamate and its style of leadership which are distinctive. Most importantly, while some central features, like succession by way of designation (naṣṣ) has not changed, there is one overarching quality which can best capture all these elements and that is the transmutation of the Ismaili imamate from the person of the Imam into the office of imamate and thus we are now facing the institutionalisation of the imamate and the office being the embodiment of the authority of the Imam. I have described this new development as a metamorphosis of the authority because it gives an entirely new form and content to the previously familiar concept of authority in the Shiʿi Ismaili Muslim tradition.

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In recent years there has been an increase in literature which has explored the insider/outsider position through ethnic identities. However, there remains a neglect of religious identities, even though it could be argued that religious identities have become increasingly important through being prominent in international issues such as the ‘war on terror’ and the Middle East conflict. Through drawing on the concept of subjectivity, I reflect on research I conducted on the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on British Muslims. I explore the space between the insider/outsider position demonstrating how my various subjectivities – the ‘non-Islamic appearance I’, the ‘Muslim I’, the ‘personal I’, the ‘exploring I’, the ‘Kashmiri I’ or the ‘Pakistani I’, the ‘status I’ and the ‘outsider I’ – assisted in establishing trust, openness and commonality. I conclude by demonstrating how the ‘emotional I’ allowed me to manage my own emotions and participants emotions.

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This chapter scrutinizes the dominant public discourse in Western Europe. Drawing on examples from the UK, Germany, and France but also from the Netherlands, Denmark and Spain it illustrates the gradual transformation of discourse from an “exotic Islam” to a “threatening Islam” that endangers European values and safety and suggests that the combination of this “securitization” of Islam and the monopoly of the “Muslim voice” by radical Muslim activists leads to a vicious circle of misrecognition and enhancing the aporia of Europe's Muslims.

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The existing language situation in Kazakhstan, while peaceful, is not without some tension. We propose to analyze here some questions we consider relevant in the frame of cultural globalization and gender equality, such as: free from Russian imperialism, could Kazakhstan become an easy prey of Turkey’s “imperialist dream”? Could these traditionally Muslim people be soon facing the end of religious tolerance and gender equality, becoming this new old language an easy instrument for the infiltration in the country of fundamentalism (it has already crossed the boarders of Uzbekistan), leading to a gradual deterioration of its rich multicultural relations? The present structure of the language is still very fragile: there are three main dialects and many academics defend the re-introduction of the Latin alphabet, thus enlarging the possibility of cultural “contamination” by making the transmission of fundamentalist ideas still easier through neighbour countries like Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan (their languages belong to the same sub-group of Common Turkic), where the Latin alphabet is already in use, and where the ground for such ideas shown itself very fruitful.

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ABSTRACT - I will explore and present the portrayal of violence in some British plays that were staged between 1951 and 1965, in order to discuss the role, impact and aim of its representation. Thus, I will consider John Whiting’s Saint’s Day (1951), Ann Jelicoe’s The Sport of my Mad Mother (1956), Arnold Wesker (Chicken Soup with Barley (1958), Harold Pinter’s Birthday Party (1958), David Rudkin’s Afore Night Come (1962) and Edward Bond’s Saved (1965). My aim is to discuss the way how theatre in the post WWII changed the traditional ways of representing violence. On one hand, violence and reality became more and more familiar and domestic, permitting a representation of multiple and non-agonic violence; and, on the other hand, the violence that was depicted often changed the way one perceived reality itself, being part of a socially engaged artistic attitude.

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Nitrat e (NO3 - ) i s per vasi ve i n t he bi ospher e[ 1, 2]. Cont emporar y agri cult ural pr acti ces are a mong t he maj or ant hr opogeni c sources of r eacti ve nitrogen speci es, wher e nitrat ei s t he most abundant of t hese [ 2]. Excessi ve a mount s of r eacti ve nitrogen i n soil s and gr oundwat er ar e creati ng si gnifi cant t hr eat s t o hu man healt h and saf et y [ 3] as well as a host of undesirabl e environment al i mpact s [ 2]; it i s curr ently consi der ed t he second most r el evant environment al i ssue, aft er car bon di oxide e mi ssi ons. Nowadays, a mong t he most r el evant and pr omi si ng appr oaches t o r educe nitrat e concentrati on i n wat er, na mel y gr oundwat er, ar e denitrifi cati on- based pr ocesses [ 4]. Per meabl e r eacti ve barri ers ( PRB) have been pr oven eff ecti ve i n r educi ng vari ous cont ami nant s i n copi ous a mount s, parti cul arl y i n shall ow gr oundwat er [ 5]. However t he possi bl e added eff ecti veness of usi ng nanoparti cl es i n t hese structur es t o obt ai n nitrogen gas from nitrat es requires f urt her i nvesti gati on.

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This article wishes to contribute to the study of the historical processes that have been spotting Muslim populations as favourite targets for political analysis and governance. Focusing on the Portuguese archives, civil as well as military, the article tries to uncover the most conspicuous identity representations (mainly negative or ambivalent) that members of Portuguese colonial apparatus built around Muslim communities living in African colonies, particularly in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. The paper shows how these culturally and politically constructed images were related to the more general strategies by which Portuguese imagined their own national identity, both as ‘European’ and as ‘coloniser’ or ‘imperial people’. The basic assumption of this article is that policies enforced in a context of inter-ethnic and religious competition are better understood when linked to the identity strategies inherent to them. These are conceived as strategic constructions aimed at the preservation, the protection and the imaginary expansion of the subject, who looks for groups to be included in and out-groups to reject, exclude, aggress or eliminate. We think that most of the inter-ethnic relationships and conflicts, as well as the very experience of ethnicity, are born from this identity matrix.

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Este artigo examina a forma como as políticas colónias portuguesas de enquadramento do Islão na Guiné e em Moçambique evoluíram de uma representação do muçulmano como ameaça para uma imagem mais conciliadora, pela qual os muçulmanos poderiam ser potenciais aliados do poder português na guerra contra os movimentos nacionalistas. Sendo ambas as representações marcadas pela ambivalência, a primeira predominou até ao final da década de 50 e a segunda desenhou-se em meados dos anos 60, acompanhando o restante trajecto das guerras coloniais. As duas imagens corresponderam a diferentes formas de lidar com a dimensão transnacional do Islão e com o seu alegado impacto sobre o colonialismo português em África. O artigo analisa essas estratégias, abordando a participação que nelas teve a Igreja Católica, o aparelho central de poder e as suas ramificações locais nas colónias.