646 resultados para Minorities.


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The labor market in the multicultural society is a major arena where the interrelation of gender and ethnicity is expressed in processes of discrimination, sexism and racism. For women from ethnic minorities, one way to avoid these problems is to work in migrant enterprises. As this may ease tensions related to ethnicity, it does not solve gender-related problems like the subordination of women and the perception of female migrants as ‘just’ daughters, mothers and wives by male co-migrants. Female ethnic minority entrepreneurship may be the way to escape such processes. In the Netherlands, 25% of all ethnic minority entrepreneurs are female. However, little is known about their socio-economic background and the way they perceive their businesses. Moreover, there is a theoretical haphazardness concerning the phenomenon female ethnic minority entrepreneurship. Although recently researchers have opted for an integral theory called the ‘mixed-embeddedness’ approach as to explain ethnic minority entrepreneurship through a combination of personal, sociocultural and structural factors, the role of gender still seems to be underexposed in this theory. Likewise, the literature concerning entrepreneurial networking has hardly interfered with both gender and ethnicity. Therefore, this paper provides a state of affairs concerning the research and literature on ethnic minority entrepreneurship, gender and networks. It argues that a better understanding of female ethnic minority entrepreneurship requires further scientific attention and that a contribution needs to be made to theory development regarding the interrelation of ethnicity and gender in entrepreneurship and in entrepreneurial networks particularly.

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Background: Despite growing acceptance of same-sex sexuality in Portugal, identity development of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals is still restricted by negative societal attitudes, which maintain the experience of stigmatization and discrimination. The purpose of this study is to document the frequency of discriminatory events experienced by sexual minorities and their association with indicators of physical and mental health in Portugal. Methods: A total of 610 LGB participants completed an online survey (mean age = 34.48, SD = 11.54). Most participants were single and self-identified as gay (73.8%). The survey included five categories of survey items: demographic information, social support, physical health, mental health, and discrimination experiences. Results: Physical and mental health results revealed that bisexual people were more likely to report higher levels of psychological distress than gay men. Overall, between one-fifth and one-fourth of the participants in this sample frequently felt the need to hide their sexual orientation to prevent discrimination experiences across the different settings. Regarding actual discrimination experiences, close to 20% reported having suffered from verbal abuse, followed by close to 10% who suffered from written threats, harassment, and physical threats. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was performed to assess the effects of anticipated and actual discrimination on mental health. Possible confounding variables were added in the first block – age, sexual orientation, being in a relationship, body mass index, and HIV status. Anticipated and actual discrimination experiences were added in the second block. The first block of the analysis explained 6% of the overall variance, while the second block – discrimination experiences – explained an additional 17%. Conclusion: Portuguese culture and stigma/discrimination create discriminatory experiences which impact LGB people’s health. Unless policies are changed to allow for the acceptance of LGB people, they will continue to experience violence and discrimination as a result of homophobia.

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Description based on: 1978.

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There are a great number of evidences showing that education is extremely important in many economic and social dimensions. In Brazil, education is a right guaranteed by the Federal Constitution; however, in the Brazilian legislation the right to the three stages of basic education: Kindergarten, Elementary and High School is better promoted and supported than the right to education at College level. According to educational census data (INEP, 2009), 78% of all enrolments in College education are in private schools, while the reverse is found in High School: 84% of all matriculations are in public schools, which shows a contradiction in the admission into the universities. The Brazilian scenario presents that public universities receive mostly students who performed better and were prepared in elementary and high school education in private schools, while private universities attend students who received their basic education in public schools, which are characterized as low quality. These facts have led researchers to raise the possible determinants of student performance on standardized tests, such as the Brazilian Vestibular exam, to guide the development of policies aimed at equal access to College education. Seeking inspiration in North American models of affirmative action policies, some Brazilian public universities have suggested rate policies to enable and facilitate the entry of "minorities" (blacks, pardos1, natives, people of low income and public school students) to free College education. At the Federal University of the state Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), the first incentives for candidates from public schools emerged in 2006, being improved and widespread during the last 7 years. This study aimed to analyse and discuss the Argument of Inclution (AI) - the affirmative action policy that provides additional scoring for students from public schools. From an extensive database, the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) technique was used as well as a Quantile Regression considering as control the variables of personal, socioeconomic and educational characteristics of the candidates from the Brazilian Vestibular exam 2010 of the Federal University of the state Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN). The results demonstrate the importance of this incentive system, besides the magnitude of other variables

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El punto de partida de nuestro estudio se sitúa en el polémico y discutido asunto resuelto por la sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 8 de diciembre de 2009, Caso Muñoz Díaz c. España, donde se condena al Estado español por denegar la pensión de viudedad a una ciudadana casada exclusivamente por el rito matrimonial gitano. Al hilo de esta resolución analizaremos, entre otras cuestiones, las diversas formas matrimoniales a las que nuestro legislador otorga efectos civiles, la incidencia de dichas disposiciones en el principio de igualdad y no discriminación consagrado en el artículo 14 de la Constitución y en el artículo 14 del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, y la posible vulneración de dicho principio en el marco de las prestaciones sociales reguladas en la Ley General de la Seguridad Social, recientemente reformada.

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This dissertation stands out the religious and social role of Christian religious minorities in Portuguese society, where the vast majority of the believers profess the Catholic faith. This work serves to demystify the widespread prejudice against minorities and clarify its place in the religious phenomenon in Portugal. We intend to define the concept of Religion, missing in the Portuguese legislation, framing it in Portuguese constitutional history, which allows us to evaluate the relations State/Catholic Church and State/religious minorities, since Liberalism. We attempt to measure how the legal system accepts the religious phenomenon and how to deal with religious diversity, according to the principle of religious freedom postulated in the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. It is also our intention to relate the concepts of sect and religious minority, which tendentiously are misunderstood. In order to understand the underlying dynamics of religious minorities, we take the example of the Portuguese Evangelical Alliance, which we monitored closely throughout the investigation. We will give some space for a small analysis of the state and social discrimination experienced by the minorities. With this work we can conclude in general that Portugal, despite its weak religious diversity, has a good advance on the religious freedom. The Portuguese State has made a remarkable effort to cooperate with the churches, an effort that must be continued in order to fill some gaps found, particularly in the absence of legislation regarding the criminalization of religious discrimination and competence of the Committee on Religious Freedom in case of a possible complaint. We prove similarly that there is also a special attention to the Catholic Church in the composition of the Committee on Religious Freedom and the Committee Broadcast Time of Religious Confessions. In the end, we prove that the society is the major source of discrimination against minorities.

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Racism continues to thrive on the Internet. Yet, little is known about racism in online settings and the potential consequences. The purpose of this study was to develop the Perceived Online Racism Scale (PORS), the first measure to assess people’s perceived online racism experiences as they interact with others and consume information on the Internet. Items were developed through a multi-stage process based on literature review, focus-groups, and qualitative data collection. Based on a racially diverse large-scale sample (N = 1023), exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses provided support for a 30-item bifactor model with the following three factors: (a) 14-item PORS-IP (personal experiences of racism in online interactions), (b) 5-item PORS-V (observations of other racial/ethnic minorities being offended), and (c) 11-item PORS-I (consumption of online contents and information denigrating racial/ethnic minorities and highlighting racial injustice in society). Initial construct validity examinations suggest that PORS is significantly linked to psychological distress.

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Las minorías culturales y étnicas son con frecuencia los grupos más desfavorecidos en términos sociales y económicos debido a su falta de representación institucional. El objetivo de este artículo es proponer un modelo de intervención capaz de aumentar el poder de participación de una minoría a través de la comunicación horizontal con otras identidades mayoritarias. Los resultados del estudio de caso del programa socioeducativo La Clase Mágica, para el que se utiliza una metodología eminentemente cuantitativa a partir de cuestionario, demuestran que estos aspectos contribuyen a que los mexicanos de primera y segunda generación en el sur de California desarrollen capacidades clave para el empoderamiento y la inclusión social. Además, el programa impactó en un factor determinante para que una comunidad consiga ganar poder de acción y voz suficiente para influir en las instituciones sociales: los apoyos externos.

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Considérant la « nouveauté » du phénomène de dénonciation auprès des policiers et l’utilisation croissante du concept social de « crime motivé par la haine », peu d’études ont été réalisées au Canada sur l’incidence de ces crimes pour les personnes comme pour la société. Cette recherche exploratoire a comme objectif de comprendre la façon dont ce type de crime se distingue des autres manifestations de conflits ou d’incidents et de comprendre les impacts de ce type de victimisation pour les homosexuels en particulier. Plus spécifiquement, ce mémoire vise à approfondir la compréhension du stigmate homosexuel et son impact sur la reportabilité des événements de victimisation criminelle aux autorités judiciaires. Pour ce faire, cinq intervenants communautaires, deux policiers, un avocat et quatre victimes considérant avoir vécu des événements de violence homophobe ont été interviewés. Cet échantillon diversifié a permis de mieux comprendre le phénomène de sous-déclaration des incidents de violences homophobes de la part des victimes et d’obtenir une vue d’ensemble des perceptions des acteurs clés qui peuvent être confrontés au phénomène. L’analyse des entretiens suggère d’importantes lacunes sur le plan de la formation des divers intervenants qui entrainent des difficultés à reconnaître une violence homophobe. Les intervenants confient ne pas se sentir pas suffisamment outillés pour intervenir auprès d’une victime de violence homophobe, n’estiment pas tous posséder les compétences et une compréhension suffisante des réalités des minorités sexuelles, de l'homophobie et de l'hétérosexisme, en somme, l’ensemble des savoirs ultimement nécessaires à une assistance et un accompagnement efficaces pour la déclaration aux autorités d’une telle violence vécue par les victimes. Du côté des victimes de violence(s) homophobe(s), il ressort que la discrimination basée sur l’orientation sexuelle est encore prégnante dans leurs interactions quotidiennes. De leur point de vue, la banalisation et l’impunité de certains comportements homophobes par les instances judiciaires viennent renforcer l’idée chez les victimes et la société d’une forme d’infériorité de l’orientation homosexuelle. L’apposition d’une étiquette homosexuelle paraît ainsi avoir de multiples conséquences psychologiques et sociales sur les victimes, notamment sur leur développement identitaire et sexuel. L’intégration des stigmates homosexuels et l’autostigmatisation, qui les poussent à se déprécier, voire à déprécier l’ensemble de la communauté homosexuelle, surgissent de leur perception de la présence de forts stéréotypes homosexuels, d’une société majoritairement hétérosexiste et de l’opérationnalisation sociale d’une distanciation entre le « nous » hétérosexuel et le « eux » homosexuel. Par leur marginalisation, leur mise en infériorité historique, l’ambiguïté du concept de « crimes motivés par la haine », la noncompréhension de la violence et des répercussions qu’ont les intervenants communautaires et judiciaires de la situation et partant, dans bien des cas, de la prise en charge inadéquate qui en découle pour les victimes des violences homophobes, il est possible de comprendre les appréhensions mentales que les victimes entretiennent ainsi que leur réticence à solliciter de l’aide et encore plus à rapporter la victimisation vécue aux autorités judiciaires.

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Past research has shown that having a large population of ethnic minorities beyond the neighborhood level arouses intolerance in the majority. However, this paper presents the argument that the effect of minority size on tolerance depends on minority type: the less subject the minority is to negative stereotyping, the more favorable the effect that minority size has on tolerance. In this study, a hierarchical linear model was applied to a dataset on advanced and emerging democracies in Europe. The analysis shows that when the duration and level of democracy are controlled for, ethnic tolerance was associated positively with native minority size and negatively with foreign population size.

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This thesis examines the ways in which linguistic minority students assert themselves as rhetorical agents when faced with the expectation of impromptu verbal responses. Based on a study that aims at identifying specific rhetorical strategies these students employ, the goal of this thesis is to theorize ways in which linguistic minorities deal with the challenges of fast-paced, high-stakes interactions. The practices that emerge from data analysis suggest that such strategies tend to be reactive rather than proactive and highly dependent on context. While they are valuable ways for linguistic minorities to navigate their ways in specific moments, the thesis argues that they are ultimately insufficient to create a sense of agency and empowerment. Future research hence needs to address ways in which strategies can be consciously trained and employed in order to create a more inclusive classroom experience for linguistic minority students.

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The purpose of this study was to critically evaluate the aesthetic decisions and theoretical complexity of three of Ernest Hemingway’s most experimental texts: IN OUR TIME, TO HAVE AND HAVE NOT, and THE GARDEN OF EDEN, and to show that the usually maligned Hemingway was an author invested in the avant-garde and in analyzing and dissecting rigid societal rules, not championing them. Through critical analysis this study examined how Hemingway makes specific aesthetic decisions in order to more clearly examine the disparity between whites and both women and racial minorities in America. The problems that Hemingway makes clear through his art are meant to have a profound effect upon the reader and encourage re-evaluation of societal rules, their purpose, and their fairness to those who are not white, male, and typically in a position of power. The findings demonstrate that Hemingway’s entire oeuvre is open to re-interpretation on the basis of a progressive view of the author.

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Considérant la « nouveauté » du phénomène de dénonciation auprès des policiers et l’utilisation croissante du concept social de « crime motivé par la haine », peu d’études ont été réalisées au Canada sur l’incidence de ces crimes pour les personnes comme pour la société. Cette recherche exploratoire a comme objectif de comprendre la façon dont ce type de crime se distingue des autres manifestations de conflits ou d’incidents et de comprendre les impacts de ce type de victimisation pour les homosexuels en particulier. Plus spécifiquement, ce mémoire vise à approfondir la compréhension du stigmate homosexuel et son impact sur la reportabilité des événements de victimisation criminelle aux autorités judiciaires. Pour ce faire, cinq intervenants communautaires, deux policiers, un avocat et quatre victimes considérant avoir vécu des événements de violence homophobe ont été interviewés. Cet échantillon diversifié a permis de mieux comprendre le phénomène de sous-déclaration des incidents de violences homophobes de la part des victimes et d’obtenir une vue d’ensemble des perceptions des acteurs clés qui peuvent être confrontés au phénomène. L’analyse des entretiens suggère d’importantes lacunes sur le plan de la formation des divers intervenants qui entrainent des difficultés à reconnaître une violence homophobe. Les intervenants confient ne pas se sentir pas suffisamment outillés pour intervenir auprès d’une victime de violence homophobe, n’estiment pas tous posséder les compétences et une compréhension suffisante des réalités des minorités sexuelles, de l'homophobie et de l'hétérosexisme, en somme, l’ensemble des savoirs ultimement nécessaires à une assistance et un accompagnement efficaces pour la déclaration aux autorités d’une telle violence vécue par les victimes. Du côté des victimes de violence(s) homophobe(s), il ressort que la discrimination basée sur l’orientation sexuelle est encore prégnante dans leurs interactions quotidiennes. De leur point de vue, la banalisation et l’impunité de certains comportements homophobes par les instances judiciaires viennent renforcer l’idée chez les victimes et la société d’une forme d’infériorité de l’orientation homosexuelle. L’apposition d’une étiquette homosexuelle paraît ainsi avoir de multiples conséquences psychologiques et sociales sur les victimes, notamment sur leur développement identitaire et sexuel. L’intégration des stigmates homosexuels et l’autostigmatisation, qui les poussent à se déprécier, voire à déprécier l’ensemble de la communauté homosexuelle, surgissent de leur perception de la présence de forts stéréotypes homosexuels, d’une société majoritairement hétérosexiste et de l’opérationnalisation sociale d’une distanciation entre le « nous » hétérosexuel et le « eux » homosexuel. Par leur marginalisation, leur mise en infériorité historique, l’ambiguïté du concept de « crimes motivés par la haine », la noncompréhension de la violence et des répercussions qu’ont les intervenants communautaires et judiciaires de la situation et partant, dans bien des cas, de la prise en charge inadéquate qui en découle pour les victimes des violences homophobes, il est possible de comprendre les appréhensions mentales que les victimes entretiennent ainsi que leur réticence à solliciter de l’aide et encore plus à rapporter la victimisation vécue aux autorités judiciaires.

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The question that I will explore in this research dissertation is whether one can defend the rights of homeland minorities as a progressive extension of the existing norms of human rights. This question calls for several deeper inquiries about the nature, the function and the underlying justifications for both human rights and minority rights. In particular, this research project will examine the following issues: on what normative grounds the available norms of human rights and minority rights are justified; if there is any methodic way to use the normative logic of human rights to support substantial forms of minority claims, such as the right to self-determination; whether human rights can take the form of group rights; and finally, whether there is any non-sectarian basis for justifying the minority norms, which can be acceptable from both liberal and non-liberal perspectives. This research project has some implications for both theories of minority rights and human rights. On the one hand, the research employs the topic of minority rights to shed light on deficiencies of the existing political theories of human rights. On the other hand, it uses the political theory to shed light on how existing theories of minority rights could be improved and amended. The inquiry will ultimately clarify how to judge the merit of the claim that minority rights are or should be a part of human rights norms.