782 resultados para Islam--Prayers and devotions
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This article focuses on Sisters’ Shelter Somaya in Sweden, an organization unique in its claim to be a women’s shelter by and for Muslim women, and in its combining of Islamic and secular feminisms. Examining the organization’s self-presentations, the author argues that there is, however, an ongoing shift from an emphasis on its Muslim profile to a dissolution of the very same. Looking into potential loss in the process (for clients, activists, allies, and feminism at large), the analysis draws on current research on anti-Muslim intolerance and normative secularism. The concept of the “Muslim woman” is employed to illustrate the stereotyping that continuously associates Muslim women with “victims” inhabiting shelters rather than capable “managers”. Intersectionality is pointed at as an emic strategy adopted by Somaya to overcome division, but also critically analysed as a consensus-creating signifier that hinders diversity. Thus,the article raises the increasingly important issue of the relationship between religion, gender, and feminism in the post-secular turn, and the author calls for critical self-reflection and creative affirmation in the interaction with heterogeneous others.
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Treatment of murine myoblasts, myotubes and tumour cells with a tumour-produced lipid mobilizing factor (LMF), caused a concentration-dependent stimulation of protein synthesis, within a 24 h period. There was no effect on cell number or [3H] thymidine incorporation, but a similar concentration-dependent stimulation of 2-deoxyglucose uptake. LMF produced an increase in intracellular cyclic AMP levels, which was linearly (r2 = 0.973) related to the increase in protein synthesis. The effect of LMF was attenuated by the adenylate cyclase inhibitor MDL12330A, and was additive with the stimulation produced by forskolin. Both propranolol (10 μM) and the specific β3-adrenergic receptor antagonist SR 59230A (10-5M), significantly reduced the stimulation of protein synthesis induced by LMF. Protein synthesis was also increased by 69% (P = 0.006) in soleus muscles of mice administered LMF, while there was a 26% decrease in protein degradation (P = 0.03). While LMF had no effect on the lysosomal enzymes, cathepsins B and L, there was a decrease in proteasome activity, as determined both by the 'chymotrypsin-like' enzyme activity, as well as expression of proteasome α-type subunits, determined by Western blotting. These results show that in addition to its lipid-mobilizing activity LMF also increases protein accumulation in skeletal muscle both by an increase in protein synthesis and a decrease in protein catabolism. © 2001 Cancer Research Campaign.
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Silicalite-1/carbon-graphite composite membranes have been prepared using a standard hydrothermal synthesis method and characterized by XRD, SEM, TGA, BET and permeation experiments. Single gas permeation fluxes and binary mixtures separation and selectivity data are reported for methane, ethane and propane using the composite membranes. Carbon-graphite oxidized for 4 h prior to membrane preparation had the most promising separation properties. The permeation fluxes for the binary mixtures reflect that of the single component flux ratios. At 20 °C the membranes show high separation selectivity toward lighter component in binary mixtures. Single gas permeances for methane and ethane were found to decrease with increasing temperatures while that of propane fluctuates. © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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Experimental and theoretical methods have been used to study zeolite structures, properties and applications as membranes for separation purposes. Thin layers of silicalite-1 and Na-LTA zeolites have been synthesised onto carbon-graphite supports using a hydrothermal synthesis procedure. The separation behaviour of the composite membranes was characterized by gas permeation studies of pure, binary and ternary mixtures of methane, ethane and propane. The influence of temperature and feed gas mixture composition on the separation and selectivity performance of the membranes was also investigated. It was found that the silicalite-1 composite membranes synthesised onto the 4 hour oxidized carbon-graphite supports showed the most promising separation behaviour of all the composite membranes investigated. Molecular simulation methods were used to gain an understanding of how hydrocarbon molecules behave both within the pores and on the surfaces of silicalite-1, mordenite and LTA zeolites. Molecular dynamic simulations were used to investigate the influence of temperature and molecular loadings on the diffusional behaviour of hydrocarbons in zeolites. Both hydroxylated (surface termination with hydroxyl groups) and non-hydroxylated silicalite-1 and Na-mordenite surfaces were generated. For both zeolites the most stable surfaces correspond to the {010} surface. For the silicalite-1 {010} surface the adsorption of hydrocarbons and molecular water onto the hydroxylated surface showed a favourable exothermic adsorption process compared to adsorption on the non-hydroxylated surface. With the Na-mordenite {010} surface the adsorption of hydrocarbons onto both the hydroxylated and non-hydroxylated surfaces had a combination of favourable and non-favourable adsorption energies, while the adsorption of molecular water onto both types of surface was found to be a favourable adsorption process.
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Aims - A common variant, rs9939609, in the FTO (fat mass and obesity) gene is associated with adiposity in Europeans, explaining its relationship with diabetes. However, data are inconsistent in South Asians. Our aim was to investigate the association of the FTO rs9939609 variant with obesity, obesity-related traits and Type 2 diabetes in South Asian individuals, and to use meta-analyses to attempt to clarify to what extent BMI influences the association of FTO variants with diabetes in South Asians. Methods - We analysed rs9939609 in two studies of Pakistani individuals: 1666 adults aged = 40 years from the Karachi population-based Control of Blood Pressure and Risk Attenuation (COBRA) study and 2745 individuals of Punjabi ancestry who were part of a Type 2 diabetes case–control study (UK Asian Diabetes Study/Diabetes Genetics in Pakistan; UKADS/DGP). The main outcomes were BMI, waist circumference and diabetes. Regression analyses were performed to determine associations between FTO alleles and outcomes. Summary estimates were combined in a meta-analysis of 8091 South Asian individuals (3919 patients with Type 2 diabetes and 4172 control subjects), including those from two previous studies. Results - In the 4411 Pakistani individuals from this study, the age-, sex- and diabetes-adjusted association of FTO variant rs9939609 with BMI was 0.45 (95% CI 0.24–0.67) kg/m2 per A-allele (P = 3.0 × 10-5) and with waist circumference was 0.88 (95% CI 0.36–1.41) cm per A-allele (P = 0.001). The A-allele (30% frequency) was also significantly associated with Type 2 diabetes [per A-allele odds ratio (95% CI) 1.18 (1.07–1.30); P = 0.0009]. A meta-analysis of four South Asian studies with 8091 subjects showed that the FTO A-allele predisposes to Type 2 diabetes [1.22 (95% CI 1.14–1.31); P = 1.07 × 10-8] even after adjusting for BMI [1.18 (95% CI 1.10–1.27); P = 1.02 × 10-5] or waist circumference [1.18 (95% CI 1.10–1.27); P = 3.97 × 10-5]. Conclusions - The strong association between FTO genotype and BMI and waist circumference in South Asians is similar to that observed in Europeans. In contrast, the strong association of FTO genotype with diabetes is only partly accounted for by BMI.
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This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion–state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament.
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The paper gives an interdisciplinary overview of the emerging field of spirituality and business. It uses insights from business ethics, theology, neuroscience, psychology, gender studies, and philosophy to economics, management, organizational science, and banking and refers to different religious convictions including Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, the Baha'i faith, and the North-American aboriginal worldview. The authors argue that the materialistic management paradigm has failed. They explore new values for post-materialistic management: frugality, deep ecology, trust, reciprocity, responsibility for future generations, and authenticity. Within this framework profit and growth are no longer ultimate aims but elements in a wider set of values. Similarly, cost-benefit calculations are no longer the essence of management but are part of a broader concept of wisdom in leadership. Spirit-driven businesses require intrinsic motivation for serving the common good and using holistic evaluation schemes for measuring success. The Palgrave Handbook of Business and Spirituality, edited by the authors, is a response to developments that simultaneously challenge the “business as usual” mindset.
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This multi-disciplinary research project explores the religious and cultural foundations within the "master commemorative narratives" that frame Israeli and Iranian political discourse. In articulating their grievances against one another, Israeli and Iranian leaders express the tensions between religion, nationalism, and modernity in their own societies. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is constructivist-interpretivist. The concept of "master commemorative narratives" is adapted from Yael Zerubavel's study of ritualized remembrance in Israeli political culture, and applied to both Israeli and Iranian foreign policy. Israel’s master commemorative narrative draws heavily upon the language of the Hebrew Bible, situating foreign policy discourse within a paradigm of covenantal patrimony, exile, and return, despite the unrelenting hostility of eternal enemies and "the nations." Iran’s master commemorative narrative expresses Iranian suspicion of foreign encroachment and interference, and of the internal corruption that they engender, sacralizing resistance to the forces of evil in the figurative language and myths of pre-Islamic tradition and of Shi'a Islam. Using a constructivist-interpretive methodological approach, this research offers a unique interpretive analysis of the parallels between these narratives, where they intersect, and where they come into conflict. It highlights both the broad appeal and the diverse challenges to the components of these "master" narratives within Israeli and Iranian politics and society. The conclusion of this study explains the ways in which the recognition of religious and cultural conflicts through the optic of master commemorative narratives can complement the perspectives of other theoretical approaches and challenge the conventions of Security Studies. It also suggests some of the potential practical applications of this research in devising more effective international diplomacy.
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This study is a comparative study of the Turkish Islamist movement Milli Görüş (IGMG) in Germany and the Netherlands. It is a qualitative and a quantitative inquiry about the nature (whether it is moderate or radical) of the Milli Görüş movement in these two countries. The central research questions are: what is the reason for the rise of Islamism among Turks living in two different countries in Europe? What is the reason for the difference in the radicalization levels? Islamism refers to an ideology that turns traditional Islam into a sustained and systematic program that includes social, political, and economic affairs (Pipes 1998). The movements within the framework of Islamism range from moderate to radical. Based on the data collected during the field research conducted in Germany and the Netherlands between the years of 2004-2007, this study suggests that Islamism is a response to social marginalization which is defined as “an external social position, of isolation of the individual or groups, with a limited access to economical, political, educational and communicational resources of the community” (Contained in the law adopted by the Romanian Parliament in 28 February 2002, www.hurriyetim.com, November 25, 2004). It is hypothesized that as the level of social marginalization increases, so does the level of radicalization.
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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.
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The thesis argues for the inclusion of the study of religion within the public school curriculum. It argues that the whole division between “religious” and “secular” spaces and institutions is itself rooted in a specific religious tradition. Using the theories of Jacques Derrida, I argue that, unless the present process of globalization is tempered with alternative models of organizing that don’t include this secular/sacred division, the very process of Western globalization acts as a moral religion. Derrida calls this process “globalatinization,” the imposition of Western defined institutions upon other cultures. The process creates a type of religious violence through act of imposing notions of “secular/public” and “sacred/private.” Drawing from Mark Juergensmeyer’s theory of religious violence, and Derrida’s and Foucault’s understanding of discursive formations, I argue that religious studies should enter this “secular/public” space in the form of educating about the world’s religions. Such education would go a long way in preventing the demonization of the “other” through promoting empathy, understanding, and respect for “other” traditions. Finally, education would provide a needed self-critique of the dividing of “secular/sacred” in contemporary Western life.
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This study examined the representation of national and religious dimensions of Iranian history and identity in Iranian middle school history textbooks. Furthermore, through a qualitative case study in a school in the capital city of Tehran, teachers' use of textbooks in classrooms, students' response, their perceptions of the country's past, and their definitions of national identity is studied. The study follows a critical discourse analysis framework by focusing on the subjectivity of the text and examining how specific concepts, in this case collective identities, are constructed through historical narratives and how social actors, in this case students, interact with , and make sense of, the process. My definition of national identity is based on the ethnosymbolism paradigm (Smith, 2003) that accommodates both pre-modern cultural roots of a nation and the development and trajectory of modern political institutions. Two qualitative approaches of discourse analysis and case study were employed. The textbooks selected were those published by the Ministry of Education; universally used in all middle schools across the country in 2009. The case study was conducted in a girls' school in Tehran. The students who participated in the study were ninth grade students who were in their first year of high school and had just finished a complete course of Iranian history in middle school. Observations were done in history classes in all three grades of the middle school. The study findings show that textbooks present a generally negative discourse of Iran's long history as being dominated by foreign invasions and incompetent kings. At the same time, the role of Islam and Muslim clergy gradually elevates in salvaging the country from its despair throughout history, becomes prominent in modern times, and finally culminates in the Islamic Revolution as the ultimate point of victory for the Iranian people. Throughout this representation, Islam becomes increasingly dominant in the textbooks' narrative of Iranian identity and by the time of the Islamic Revolution morphs into its single most prominent element. On the other hand, the students have created their own image of Iran's history and Iranian identity that diverges from that of the textbooks especially in their recollection of modern times. They have internalized the generally negative narrative of textbooks, but have not accepted the positive role of Islam and Muslim clergy. Their notion of Iranian identity is dominated by feelings of defeat and failure, anecdotal elements of pride in the very ancient history, and a sense of passivity and helplessness.
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A growing American-born Muslim population warrants the attention of educators in schools across the U.S. Educating teachers about Islam will prepare them to address the needs of Muslim students. This paper discusses the rationale for improving awareness of Islam and provides basic concepts necessary for education of the Islamic culture.