878 resultados para Housing authorities


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Includes bibliography.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The construction and ownership of homes is fundamental to economic development, the generation of wealth and the formation of the middle class. Although a number of studies have been conducted and programmes implemented in recent decades, there remains a significant housing deficit in Paraguay and Latin America, indicating that such programmes have been unsuccessful. For families unable to document a steady income, the main obstacle to homeownership is often financing. This paper aims to demonstrate the economic and financial feasibility —provided there is sufficient political will and coordination between public and private entities— of a project to build 75,000 homes for 300,000 people (4.5% of the Paraguayan population) with middle to low incomes. The median household income in this segment, for which there is a significant shortage of decent housing, is US$ 396.50. A maximum of US$ 63.44 per month may be set aside for housing costs.

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This article discusses, in general matters, the economic and social motivations, the organization and development of the program Minha Casa Minha Vida, made in 2009, by Federal Government of Brazil. The objective of this work was to analyse the Brazilian economic and housing context, and the program relation with the Subprime international crisis, which has been started at United States in 2008, as well as analysing and discussing the logistics and the program accessibility. The MCMV program, part of the PAC – Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento – has the intention to combat the economic crisis that had been installed and also minimize the deficit housing of the country. From PAC's initial estimate, US$250 Bi, it has been spent US$129 Bi and it has already been approved more than US$125 Bi designated for the second stage of the program, whose the estimate of PAC2 is about one trillion and a half of brazilian reais. One million homes were built between 2009 and 2012, and the goal for 2014 is two million and a half of new residences. If comparing the current program with the oldest programs, progress were observed ,however, problems and inconsistences are clearly seen: in the real concernment, the truly beneficiary, and contradiction between a social and economic program to urban demands, among other situational factors. It’s also evident, the incentivation for a new residential and closed neighbourhoods, thereby adding to the fragmentation of the urban space, beyond of the exclusion socioespacial caused financing of residences in farest allotments. The capitalist production of the space it’s clearly thriving in analysis of thisfinancing package of the urban habitation, where the biggest glebas rise between central neighbourhood and the newest generated suburb, they evidence the negligence of the authorities in well managing the space, not executing the application of urban instruments of planning the social function, and...

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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According to estimates released by the Bureau of the Census in August, 2009, Nebraska’s total housing stock increased by 5,529 units between July 1, 2007 and July 1, 2008, an increase of 0.7 percent for the year. This represented an estimated rate of growth in housing stock slightly below the state’s estimated rate of population growth, which was 0.8 percent for the same time period.

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Many rural communities are experiencing population decline. However, rural residents have continued to show a strong attachment to their communities. How do rural Nebraskans feel about their community? Are they satisfied with the services provided? Do they own their home? What is the condition of their home? This report details 2,851 responses to the 2005 Nebraska Rural Poll, the tenth annual effort to understand rural Nebraskans’ perceptions. Respondents were asked a series of questions about their community and housing. Trends for some of these questions are examined by comparing data from the nine previous polls to this year’s results. For all questions, comparisons are made among different respondent subgroups, that is, comparisons by age, occupation, region, etc. Based on these analyses, some key findings emerged: Rural Nebraskans’ views of the change in their community are similar to those expressed last year. This year, 28 percent believe their community has changed for the better, compared to 26 percent last year. And, in 2005, only 20 percent think their community has changed for the worse, compared to 22 percent last year. The proportion of expected movers who plan to leave the state decreased this year. Last year, 56 percent of the persons planning to move from their community expected to leave the state. That proportion decreased to 47 percent this year. Rural Nebraskans living in or near the largest communities are more likely than persons living in or near the smaller communities to say their community has changed for the better. Thirty-nine percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 10,000 or more believe their community has changed for the better during the past year, but only 15 percent of persons living in or near communities with less than 500 people share this opinion. The community services and amenities that rural Nebraskans are most dissatisfied with include: entertainment, retail shopping and restaurants. At least one-third of rural Nebraskans express dissatisfaction with these three services. They are most satisfied with parks and recreation, library services, basic medical care services, highways and bridges, and education (K - 12). At least one-half of rural Nebraskans are satisfied with the following items in their community: appearance of residential areas (66%), crime control (61%), maintenance of sidewalks and public areas (57%) and noise (54%). Rural Nebraskans generally have positive views about their community. Sixty percent agree that their community is an ideal place to live and 52 percent say their community has good business leaders. Rural Nebraskans have mixed opinions about the future of their community. Fortyfour percent agree that their community’s future looks bright, but 42 percent disagree with this statement. Fourteen percent have no opinion. Rural Nebraskans living in or near the larger communities are more likely than residents of the smaller communities to think their community’s future looks bright. Fifty-nine percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 10,000 or more agree with this statement, compared to only 25 percent of residents living in or near communities with less than 500 people. Further, 61 percent of the residents of the smallest communities disagree with this statement, compared to only 28 percent of the residents of the largest communities. Over three-quarters of rural Nebraskans disagree that younger residents of their community tend to stay there after completing high school. Seventy-six percent disagree with this statement, 16 percent have no opinion and eight percent agree that younger residents stay after completing high school. When comparing responses by age, younger persons are more likely than older persons to agree that younger residents stay in their community after high school. Sixteen percent of persons age 19 to 29 agree with this statement, compared to only six percent of persons age 50 to 64. Younger persons are more likely than older persons to be planning to move from their community next year. Fifteen percent of persons between the ages of 19 and 29 are planning to move next year, compared to only two percent of persons age 65 and older. An additional 17 percent of the younger respondents indicate they are uncertain if they plan to move. Most rural Nebraskans own their home. Eighty-four percent of rural Nebraskans own their home. Older persons are more likely than younger persons to own their home. Eighty-eight percent of persons over the age of 50 own their home, compared to only 52 percent of persons age 19 to 29. Housing in rural Nebraska has an average age of 50 years. Twenty-four percent of residences were built before 1930. Another 24 percent were built between 1930 and 1959. Twenty-nine percent were built between 1960 and 1979 and the remaining 24 percent were built in 1980 or later. The housing stock in smaller communities is older than the housing located in larger communities. Over one-third (35%) of the residences in communities with less than 1,000 people were built before 1930. Only 12 percent of the homes in communities with populations of 10,000 or more were built in this time period. Most rural Nebraskans appear satisfied with their home. Only 24 percent say the current size of their home does not meet their needs. The same proportion (24%) say their home is in need of major repairs. Thirty-eight percent agree that their home needs a lot of routine maintenance, but 87 percent like the location (neighborhood) of their home. One-third of rural Nebraskans living in or near the smallest communities say their home is in need of major repairs. Only 19 percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 5,000 or more are facing this problem. Home ownership is very important to most rural Nebraskans. Eighty-two percent believe it is very important to own their home. An additional 12 percent say it is somewhat important and six percent say it is not at all important. However, persons who do not currently own their home do not feel it is important for them to do so. Only 32 percent of renters say it is very important to own their home, compared to 91 percent of home owners. And, 35 percent of renters say it is not at all important to own their home.

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This research presents a study of roof thermal efficiency in individual housing for calves exposed to sun and shade through infrared thermography, internal temperature and thermal comfort indexes. Four different individual housing for calves covered with asbestos-free fiber-cement corrugated sheets were evaluated. Three of them were directly exposed to the sun: (i) corrugated sheets painted white in the external surface, (ii) corrugated sheets without painting and (iii) with screen shade fabric installed 0.10m under de internal surface of the corrugated sheet. The fourth individual housing was installed in the shade area and covered with unpainted corrugated fiber-cement sheets. The analysis was taken for 21 days at 11h00min, 14h00min and 17h00min. The results indicate significant variations in the roofing surface temperature and thermal comfort indexes among the treatments exposed to the sun and shade, for all the evaluations during the day. The infrared thermography images were effective for better understanding the heat transfer processes from the roof to the internal environment of the housing.

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We performed the initial assessment of an alternative pressurized intraventilated (PIV) caging system for laboratory mice that uses direct-current microfans to achieve cage pressurization and ventilation. Twenty-nine pairs of female SPF BALB/c mice were used, with 19 experimental pairs kept in Ply cages and 10 control pairs kept in regular filter-top (FT) cages. Both groups were housed in a standard housing room with a conventional atmospheric control system. For both systems, intracage temperatures were in equilibrium with ambient room temperature. PIV cages showed a significant difference in pressure between days 1 and 8. Air speed (and consequently airflow rate) and the number of air changes hourly in the PIV cages showed decreasing trends. In both systems, ammonia concentrations increased with time, with significant differences between groups starting on day 1. Overall, the data revealed that intracage pressurization and ventilation by using microfans is a simple, reliable system, with low cost, maintenance requirements, and incidence of failures. Further experiments are needed to determine the potential influence of this system on the reproductive performance and pulmonary integrity in mice.

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This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.