Espaço, tempo e contradições: do Banco Nacional de Habitação ao Programa Minha Casa, Minha Vida em Presidente Prudente/SP

The housing issue in Brazil is'nt a recent problem and has been discussed, worked and questioned in the institutional framework, especially with regard to the critical considerations on the topic and urban problems involved. We as milestones in the Brazilian housing policy the National Housing Bank - BNH, 1964, the height of the military regime in Brazil, and the Minha Casa, Minha Vida, in 2009. Both have questions that approach and distance themselves regarding changes in the Brazilian housing policy, where we have the emergence of new forms of knowledge production and housing consumption. Thus we have a number of advances in ways of acquiring social housing, even at different times, it is characterized as capitalist forms of this issue. Thus the spatial process of housing developments arising from these programs reflect the change in space - time that they lay down, turning the urban space of the cities in this case the city of Presidente Prudente / SP

Shopping popular Feiraguai: estudos sobre a produção de um espaço de comércio em Feira de Santana - BA

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

O vermelho que violenta a ordem: os comunistas sob o olhar da DOPS no Paraná

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Profissionalização docente e subordinação do trabalho educativo à lógica flexível da produção capitalista

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

O clima em sua regulamentação político-econômica: o acordo de Copenhague - COP 15

We know that the Earth goes through natural cycles that influence its climate and the development of their societies. In recent decades, climate changes and nature began to call world attention to the unbridled exploitation that was carried by the current economic system, causing unrest among scientific, social, political and economic world. The theory that man causes a warming in global temperatures by the release of greenhouse gases made the headlines of major newspapers in the world. From there, it was only a matter of time before environmental concerns became ownership of capital by its excessive appropriation. The fear of nuclear threat by the bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki left in fanfare the world, which together with the devastating impact of the exploitation of man and nature gave birth to the Environmental Revolution, a way of trying to change the development patterns of the time and behavior of the population. However, based on the historical form of capitalist domination, this was another measure that was apossada the economic system being transformed into economic value and political exchange. The origin of the conventions, meetings, conferences, parliaments set up to discuss environmental issues, eventually became forums of political and economic talks focused on environmental governance, valuing an asset that is public and everyone. Environmental and climate issue now has a value, thus turning the agenda on the agenda of the United Nations (UN) for its political and economic regulation in the form of global agreement. Given the need for understanding the climate issue, was born the Conference of the Parties (COPs), a regulatory body for climate negotiations, surrounded interests, complexities, conflicts and disagreements between the parties countries, which becomes clear when we analyze their agreements...

Espaço, tempo e contradições: do Banco Nacional de Habitação ao Programa Minha Casa, Minha Vida em Presidente Prudente/SP

The housing issue in Brazil is'nt a recent problem and has been discussed, worked and questioned in the institutional framework, especially with regard to the critical considerations on the topic and urban problems involved. We as milestones in the Brazilian housing policy the National Housing Bank - BNH, 1964, the height of the military regime in Brazil, and the Minha Casa, Minha Vida, in 2009. Both have questions that approach and distance themselves regarding changes in the Brazilian housing policy, where we have the emergence of new forms of knowledge production and housing consumption. Thus we have a number of advances in ways of acquiring social housing, even at different times, it is characterized as capitalist forms of this issue. Thus the spatial process of housing developments arising from these programs reflect the change in space - time that they lay down, turning the urban space of the cities in this case the city of Presidente Prudente / SP

Shopping popular Feiraguai: estudos sobre a produção de um espaço de comércio em Feira de Santana - BA

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

O vermelho que violenta a ordem: os comunistas sob o olhar da DOPS no Paraná

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

CARBON MARKET AND INSTITUTIONS: OPPORTUNITIES IN THE SEARCH OF A NEW MODEL FOR DEVELOPMENT

Seeking alternatives for the economic system to face the several crises it has gone through lately (electrical power, cultural, financing and technological) brought about a new market involving the Kyoto Protocol signatory countries: the carbon market. The present article aims at assessing the carbon market institutional issue in Brazil by identifying the risks and opportunities inherent to the institutional agent characteristics and to that market rules. The research methodology was bibliographic and based on the analysis of the Securities and Exchange Commission of Brazil (Comissao de Valores Mobiliarios and Bolsa Mercantil de Valores) contents. Its theoretical basis rests on concepts of the institution and the new institutional economy. The results show that in spite of the risks and institutional problems it involves, the carbon market is promising due to the opportunities create by new technologies and energies developed to achieve and sustain the capitalist system new cycle, addressed to produce a clean development.

The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

Display Caotico. Mutazioni nell'arte del mostrare dagli anni Sessanta ad oggi

La mostra è diventata un nuovo paradigma della cultura contemporanea. Sostenuta da proprie regole e da una grammatica complessa produce storie e narrazioni. La presente ricerca di dottorato si struttura come un ragionamento critico sulle strategie del display contemporaneo, tentando di dimostrare, con strumenti investigativi eterogenei, assumendo fonti eclettiche e molteplici approcci disciplinari - dall'arte contemporanea, alla critica d'arte, la museologia, la sociologia, l'architettura e gli studi curatoriali - come il display sia un modello discorsivo di produzione culturale con cui il curatore si esprime. La storia delle esposizioni del XX secolo è piena di tentativi di cambiamento del rapporto tra lo sviluppo di pratiche artistiche e la sperimentazione di un nuovo concetto di mostra. Nei tardi anni Sessanta l’ingresso, nella scena dell’arte, dell’area del concettuale, demolisce, con un azzeramento radicale, tutte le convenzioni della rappresentazione artistica del dopoguerra, ‘teatralizzando’ il medium della mostra come strumento di potere e introducendo un nuovo “stile di presentazione” dei lavori, un display ‘dematerializzato” che rovescia le classiche relazioni tra opera, artista, spazio e istituzione, tra un curatore che sparisce (Siegelaub) e un curatore super-artista (Szeemann), nel superamento del concetto tradizionale di mostra stessa, in cui il lavoro del curatore, in quanto autore creativo, assumeva una propria autonomia strutturale all’interno del sistema dell’arte. Lo studio delle radici di questo cambiamento, ossia l’emergere di due tipi di autorialità: il curatore indipendente e l’artista che produce installazioni, tra il 1968 e il 1972 (le mostre di Siegelaub e Szeemann, la mimesi delle pratiche artistiche e curatoriali di Broodthaers e la tensione tra i due ruoli generata dalla Critica Istituzionale) permette di inquadrare teoricamente il fenomeno. Uno degli obbiettivi della ricerca è stato anche affrontare la letteratura critica attraverso una revisione/costruzione storiografica sul display e la storia delle teorie e pratiche curatoriali - formalizzata in modo non sistematico all'inizio degli anni Novanta, a partire da una rilettura retrospettiva della esperienze delle neoavanguardie – assumendo materiali e metodologie provenienti, come già dichiarato, da ambiti differenti, come richiedeva la composizione sfaccettata e non fissata dell’oggetto di studio, con un atteggiamento che si può definire comparato e post-disciplinare. Il primo capitolo affronta gli anni Sessanta, con la successione sistematica dei primi episodi sperimentali attraverso tre direzioni: l’emergere e l’affermarsi del curatore come autore, la proliferazione di mostre alternative che sovvertivano il formato tradizionale e le innovazioni prodotte dagli artisti organizzatori di mostre della Critica Istituzionale. Esponendo la smaterializzazione concettuale, Seth Siegelaub, gallerista, critico e impresario del concettuale, ha realizzato una serie di mostre innovative; Harald Szeemann crea la posizione indipendente di exhibition maker a partire When attitudes become forms fino al display anarchico di Documenta V; gli artisti organizzatori di mostre della Critica Istituzionale, soprattutto Marcel Broodhthears col suo Musée d’Art Moderne, Départment des Aigles, analizzano la struttura della logica espositiva come opera d’arte. Nel secondo capitolo l’indagine si sposta verso la scena attivista e alternativa americana degli anni Ottanta: Martha Rosler, le pratiche community-based di Group Material, Border Art Workshop/Taller de Arte Fronterizo, Guerrilla Girls, ACT UP, Art Workers' Coalition che, con proposte diverse elaborano un nuovo modello educativo e/o partecipativo di mostra, che diventa anche terreno del confronto sociale. La mostra era uno svincolo cruciale tra l’arte e le opere rese accessibili al pubblico, in particolare le narrazioni, le idee, le storie attivate, attraverso un originale ragionamento sulle implicazioni sociali del ruolo del curatore che suggeriva punti di vista alternativi usando un forum istituzionale. Ogni modalità di display stabiliva relazioni nuove tra artisti, istituzioni e audience generando abitudini e rituali diversi per guardare la mostra. Il potere assegnato all’esposizione, creava contesti e situazioni da agire, che rovesciavano i metodi e i formati culturali tradizionali. Per Group Material, così come nelle reading-room di Martha Rosler, la mostra temporanea era un medium con cui si ‘postulavano’ le strutture di rappresentazione e i modelli sociali attraverso cui, regole, situazioni e luoghi erano spesso sovvertiti. Si propongono come artisti che stanno ridefinendo il ruolo della curatela (significativamente scartano la parola ‘curatori’ e si propongono come ‘organizzatori’). La situazione cambia nel 1989 con la caduta del muro di Berlino. Oltre agli sconvolgimenti geopolitici, la fine della guerra fredda e dell’ideologia, l’apertura ai flussi e gli scambi conseguenti al crollo delle frontiere, i profondi e drammatici cambiamenti politici che coinvolgono l’Europa, corrispondono al parallelo mutamento degli scenari culturali e delle pratiche espositive. Nel terzo capitolo si parte dall’analisi del rapporto tra esposizioni e Late Capitalist Museum - secondo la definizione di Rosalind Krauss - con due mostre cruciali: Le Magiciens de la Terre, alle origini del dibattito postcoloniale e attraverso il soggetto ineffabile di un’esposizione: Les Immatériaux, entrambe al Pompidou. Proseguendo nell’analisi dell’ampio corpus di saggi, articoli, approfondimenti dedicati alle grandi manifestazioni internazionali, e allo studio dell’espansione globale delle Biennali, avviene un cambiamento cruciale a partire da Documenta X del 1997: l’inclusione di lavori di natura interdisciplinare e la persistente integrazione di elementi discorsivi (100 days/100 guests). Nella maggior parte degli interventi in materia di esposizioni su scala globale oggi, quello che viene implicitamente o esplicitamente messo in discussione è il limite del concetto e della forma tradizionale di mostra. La sfida delle pratiche contemporanee è non essere più conformi alle tre unità classiche della modernità: unità di tempo, di spazio e di narrazione. L’episodio più emblematico viene quindi indagato nel terzo capitolo: la Documenta X di Catherine David, il cui merito maggiore è stato quello di dichiarare la mostra come format ormai insufficiente a rappresentare le nuove istanze contemporanee. Le quali avrebbero richiesto - altrimenti - una pluralità di modelli, di spazi e di tempi eterogenei per poter divenire un dispositivo culturale all’altezza dei tempi. La David decostruisce lo spazio museale come luogo esclusivo dell’estetico: dalla mostra laboratorio alla mostra come archivio, l’evento si svolge nel museo ma anche nella città, con sottili interventi di dissimulazione urbana, nel catalogo e nella piattaforma dei 100 giorni di dibattito. Il quarto capitolo affronta l’ultima declinazione di questa sperimentazione espositiva: il fenomeno della proliferazione delle Biennali nei processi di globalizzazione culturale. Dalla prima mostra postcoloniale, la Documenta 11 di Okwui Enwezor e il modello delle Platforms trans-disciplinari, al dissolvimento dei ruoli in uno scenario post-szeemanniano con gli esperimenti curatoriali su larga scala di Sogni e conflitti, alla 50° Biennale di Venezia. Sono analizzati diversi modelli espositivi (la mostra-arcipelago di Edouard Glissant; il display in crescita di Zone of Urgency come estetizzazione del disordine metropolitano; il format relazionale e performativo di Utopia Station; il modello del bric à brac; la “Scuola” di Manifesta 6). Alcune Biennali sono state sorprendentemente autoriflessive e hanno consentito un coinvolgimento più analitico con questa particolare forma espressiva. Qual è l'impatto sulla storia e il dibattito dei sistemi espositivi? Conclusioni: Cos’è la mostra oggi? Uno spazio sotto controllo, uno spazio del conflitto e del dissenso, un modello educativo e/o partecipativo? Una piattaforma, un dispositivo, un archivio? Uno spazio di negoziazione col mercato o uno spazio di riflessione e trasformazione? L’arte del display: ipotesi critiche, prospettive e sviluppi recenti.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

Donne e precarietà del lavoro nell’industria bolognese dagli anni Cinquanta alla crisi degli anni Settanta

This dissertation uses the concept of “precariousness” to analyze women’s labour conditions in Italian industry over the Fifties and Sixties, when the agricultural basis of the Italian economy was replaced by an industrial one. The present research studies the way in which female work has been employed on different and nearly always inferior terms to male work, whether quantitatively or qualitatively. In most cases wages have been lower, periods of qualification and dequalification more unfavourable, and contract terms generally less secure than for male workers. The combination of these aspects of women work conditions has resulted in what will be called job precariousness. Job precariousness is adopted as a paradigm for an in-depth analysis of women’s working conditions. Women (like immigrants) have always experienced considerably worse working conditions than men throughout the capitalist industrial age. Even in the “Golden Age” of the 20th century (1945-1975), considered by most sociologists and economists “the era of job stability”, women’s working conditions were worse than men’s and can be defined precarious. Women in Bolognese industry are not an exception. The dissertation will show how many women’s jobs in industry were the opposite of stable and therefore can be called precarious in the period of 1950s and 1960s, when the Italian economy experienced the most intense economic and industrial growth of the 20th century. The comparison between female and male work conditions will address several aspects related to job precariousness: duration and continuity of work, salary variability, forms of discrimination and the relation between contract and social rights. In addition, attention will be paid to the forms of contract, gender-specific forms of discrimination and material working conditions of women.

Beatrice Potter e la signora Webb. La politica come amministrazione del carattere

La tesi affronta la vita e la riflessione politica di Beatrice Potter collocandola all’interno del pensiero politico britannico ed europeo della fine dell’Ottocento e dei primi decenni del Novecento. Rispetto alla maggior parte della bibliografia disponibile, risulta un’autonomia e un’originalità anche rispetto alla riflessione del marito Sidney Webb. La riflessione politica di Potter è caratterizzata in primo luogo dalla ricerca del significato immediatamente politico di quella scienza sociale, che si sta affermando come approccio scientifico dominante nell’intero panorama europeo. Il lavoro è diviso in tre ampi capitoli così suddivisi: il primo ricostruisce l’eredità intellettuale di Potter, con particolare attenzione al rapporto con la filosofia evoluzionista di Herbert Spencer, suo mentore e amico. In questo capitolo vengono anche discussi i contributi di John Stuart Mill, Joseph Chamberlain, Alfred Marshall e Karl Marx e la loro influenza sull’opera di Potter. Il secondo capitolo prende in esame la sua opera prima dell’incontro con il marito e mostra come lo studio della povertà, del lavoro, della metropoli, della cooperazione e delle condizioni delle donne getti le basi di tutta la produzione successiva della partnership. Lo studio politico della povertà, cioè la messa a punto di una scienza amministrativa del carattere sociale del lavoro, rappresenta uno degli elementi principali di quella che viene qui definita un’epistemologia della democrazia. Il terzo capitolo riprende il tema cruciale della democrazia nella sua accezione «industriale» e indaga il ruolo funzionale dello Stato, anche in relazione alla teoria pluralista di Harold Laski, al socialismo guildista di George D. H. Cole e all’idealismo di Bernard Bosanquet. Centrale in questo confronto del pensiero di Potter con il più ampio dibattito degli anni venti e trenta sulla sovranità è la concezione della decadenza della civiltà capitalista e dell’emergere di una new civilisation, dopo la conversione al comunismo sovietico.

La Sojización: The Soyization" of the Argentine Countryside in the Province of Santa Fe"

In the present era of transnational capitalism, some scholars contend that capital accumulation is achieved primarily through dispossession. This paper seeks to analyze the effects of this dispossession upon small agricultural producers in the developing world. By employing the example of soy producers in Argentina, it should become abundantly clear that the issues confronting these farmers are not simply domestic questions but rather indicative of larger structural issues embedded in the global capitalist system.