849 resultados para Canada -- Politics and government -- 1837-1838 -- Sources


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15 p.

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38 p.

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Every week the General Assembly is in session the South Carolina House of Representatives, Office of Research publishes the Legislative Update, a digest of action on the floor of the House and action in full House committees.

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Every week the General Assembly is in session the South Carolina House of Representatives, Office of Research publishes the Legislative Update, a digest of action on the floor of the House and action in full House committees.

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Every week the General Assembly is in session the South Carolina House of Representatives, Office of Research publishes the Legislative Update, a digest of action on the floor of the House and action in full House committees.

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Every week the General Assembly is in session the South Carolina House of Representatives, Office of Research publishes the Legislative Update, a digest of action on the floor of the House and action in full House committees.

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Every week the General Assembly is in session the South Carolina House of Representatives, Office of Research publishes the Legislative Update, a digest of action on the floor of the House and action in full House committees.

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Dr. Stuart D. Scott has written extensively in the fields of prehistory and history. As an archaeologist, he has traveled to some of the most significant sites in the world, including Pompeii, Stonehenge, the Valley of the Kings, Egypt’s pyramids and the Taj Mahal. He spent nine months excavating with the Tikal Project in Guatemala before returning to the University of Arizona where he received a Ph.D. in 1963. He excavated in New Zealand as a Fulbright scholar in 1963-1964. In the fall of 1964, Dr. Scott started a long career in the Anthropology Department of the State University of New York. He taught graduate and undergraduate archaeology courses and continued his archaeological and historical research. In 1979, Scott established the Old Fort Niagara Archaeology in Progress Project at Old Fort Niagara in Youngstown, New York. For many years, he became involved with historical archaeology in western New York. It was during this work that he became interested in the Upper Canada Rebellion of 1837-1838 and its aftermath. Dr. Scott and his wife, Patricia Kay Scott, would use Christmas breaks, summer vacations, and sabbatical years to travel. They were repeatedly lured back to the South Pacific, conducting research in New Zealand, Australia and many of the Micronesian and Polynesian islands. To tell the whole story of the Rebellion and the prison exiles, they traveled extensively in Canada, the United States, England and Tasmania to collect archival research and to experience the scenes of this remarkable narrative. In 2004, Dr. Scott published To the Outskirts of Habitable Creation: Americans and Canadians Transported to Tasmania in the 1840s, which told the story of the men captured, tried, convicted, and exiled as a result of the Rebellion, also called the Patriot War. Other contributions include: • A collaboration with Dr. Charles Cazeau on the book Exploring the Unknown, Great Mysteries Reexamined published by Plenum Press in 1979 • The Patriot Game: New Yorkers and the Canadian Rebellion of 1837-1838, which appeared in New York History, Vol. 68, No.3. 1987 • A Frontier Spirit: The Life of James Gemmell published in Australiasian Canadian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 2 2007 • To the Outskirts of Habitable Creation which appeared in the Friends of the National Archives, Vol. 20, No. 1 2009 • Numerous academic journal publications • Service on conference panels • Various research papers and proposals Before retiring in 1997 and while still a resident of Buffalo, N.Y., Dr. Scott spent considerable time with Brock University President Emeritus James A. Gibson and History Professor Colin Duquemin. The three shared a love of Rebellion history. It was largely because of this connection that Brock University was chosen as the recipient of Dr. Scott’s research materials.

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The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

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We study the role of natural resource windfalls in explaining the efficiency of public expenditures. Using a rich dataset of expenditures and public good provision for 1,836 municipalities in Peru for period 2001-2010, we estimate a non-monotonic relationship between the efficiency of public good provision and the level of natural resource transfers. Local governments that were extremely favored by the boom of mineral prices were more efficient in using fiscal windfalls whereas those benefited with modest transfers were more inefficient. These results can be explained by the increase in political competition associated with the boom. However, the fact that increases in efficiency were related to reductions in public good provision casts doubts about the beneficial effects of political competition in promoting efficiency.

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Today, crude oil remains a vital resource all around the world. This non-renewable resource powers countries worldwide. Besides serving as an energy source, crude oil is also the most important component for different world economies, especially in developing countries. Ecuador, a small member of the OPEC oil cartel, presents a case where its economy is oil dependent. A great percentage of the country¿s GDP and government¿s budget comes from oil revenues. Ecuador has always been a primary exporter of raw materials. In the last centuries, the country experienced three important economic booms: cacao, bananas, and, ultimately, crude oil. In this sense, the country has not been able to fully industrialize and begin to export manufactured goods, i.e., Ecuador suffers from the Dutch disease. The latter has deterred Ecuador from achieving broad-based economic development. Given crude oil¿s importance for the Ecuadorian economy, the government has always tried to influence the oil industry in search of profits and benefits. Therefore, this thesis, explores the question: how and to what extent have political interventions affected the oil industry in Ecuador from 1990 until March 2014? In general, this thesis establishes an economic history context during the last twenty-four years, attempting to research how political interventions have shaped Ecuador¿s oil industry and economy. In the analysis, it covers a period where political instability prevailed, until Rafael Correa became president. The thesis examines Ecuador¿s participation in OPEC, trying to find explanations as to why the country voluntarily left the organization in 1992, only to rejoin in 2007 when Correa rose to power. During the ¿Revolución Ciudadana¿ period, the thesis researches reforms to the Law of Hydrocarbons, variations in the relations with other nations, the controversy surrounding the Yasuní-ITT oil block, and the ¿Refinería del Pacífico¿ construction. The thesis is an Industrial Organization detailed case study that analyzes, updates, and evaluates the intersection of economics and politics in Ecuador¿s crude oil industry during the last 24 years. In this sense I have consulted past theses, newspaper articles, books, and other published data about the petroleum industry, both from a global and Ecuadorian perspective. In addition to published sources, I was able to interview sociologists, public figures, history and economics academics, and other experts, accessing unique unpublished data about Ecuador¿s oil industry. I made an effort to collect information that shows the private and public side of the industry, i.e., from government-related and independent sources. I attempted to remain as objective as possible to make conclusions about the appropriate Industrial Organization policy for Ecuador¿s oil industry, addressing the issue from an economic, social, political, and environmental point of view. I found how Ecuador¿s political instability caused public policy to fail, molding the conduct and market structure of the crude oil industry. Throughout history, developed nations have benefited from low oil prices, but things shifted since oil prices began to rise, which is more beneficial for the developing nations that actually possess and produce the raw material. Nevertheless, Ecuador, a victim of the Dutch disease due to its heavy reliance on crude oil as a primary product, has not achieved broad-based development.