860 resultados para human rights workers


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Globalization has been accompanied by the rapid spread of infectious diseases, and further strain on working conditions for health workers globally. Post-SARS, Canadian occupational health and infection control researchers got together to study how to better protect health workers, and found that training was indeed perceived as key to a positive safety culture. This led to developing information and communication technology (ICT) tools. The research conducted also showed the need for better workplace inspections, so a workplace audit tool was also developed to supplement worker questionnaires and the ICT. When invited to join Ecuadorean colleagues to promote occupational health and infection control, these tools were collectively adapted and improved, including face-to-face as well as on-line problem-based learning scenarios. The South African government then invited the team to work with local colleagues to improve occupational health and infection control, resulting in an improved web-based health information system to track incidents, exposures, and occupational injury and diseases. As the H1N1 pandemic struck, the online infection control course was adapted and translated into Spanish, as was a novel skill-building learning tool that permits health workers to practice selecting personal protective equipment. This tool was originally developed in collaboration with the countries from the Caribbean region and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Research from these experiences led to strengthened focus on building capacity of health and safety committees, and new modules are thus being created, informed by that work. The products developed have been widely heralded as innovative and interactive, leading to their inclusion into “toolkits” used internationally. The tools used in Canada were substantially improved from the collaborative adaptation process for South and Central America and South Africa. This international collaboration between occupational health and infection control researchers led to the improvement of the research framework and development of tools, guidelines and information systems. Furthermore, the research and knowledge-transfer experience highlighted the value of partnership amongst Northern and Southern researchers in terms of sharing resources, experiences and knowledge.

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The point of departure for these reflections is life, since its protection is the central purpose encouraging the defense of human rights and of public health. Life in the Andes has an exceptional diversity. Particularly in Ecuador, my country, this diversity constitutes a characteristic sign that is expressed in two main forms: natural megadiversity and multiculturalism. Indeed, Ecuador’s small territory synthesizes practically all types of lifezones that exist on Earth, having received the gift of high average rates of solar energy and abundant nutritional sources, which have facilitated the natural reproduction of countless species that show their beautiful vitality in the variety of ecosystems that compose the Andean mountain range, the tropical plains, the Amazon humid forests, and the Galapagos Islands. But besides being a highly biodiverse country, it is also a plurinational and multi-cultural society, in which the activity of human beings, organized into social conglomerates of different historical and cultural backgrounds, have formed more than a dozen nations and peoples. Regrettably this natural and human wealth has not been able to bear its best fruits due to the violent operation of a deep social inequity – unfortunately also one of the highest in the Americas—which conspires against life and is reproduced in national and international inequitable relations. This structural inequity has changed its form throughout the centuries and currently has reached its highest and most perverse level of development.

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This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.

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The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), the EU body responsible for advising EU institutions on fundamental rights, is equipped with a Fundamental Rights Platform (FRP) to ensure an on-going and structured exchange of information and feedback between the FRA and Civil Society. When the FRA was founded in 2007, there was little pre-existing knowledge on how to design such a Platform; hence, the development of the relationship between the FRA and Civil Society over the first five years proved an interesting experiment. Although the Platform was never intended as a mechanism of democratic co-decision making, it is far more than a loose marketplace where Civil Society actors across the spectrum of fundamental rights themes gather. The Platform offers channels of consultation and exchange not only among the participants but also with the FRA. It allows for cross-pollination, ensuring informed grassroots input into FRA work and FRA expertise flow to Civil Society actors. This synergetic relationship builds upon both the self-organising forces of Civil Society and the terms of references of the FRP as defined by the FRA. The Platform allows to find a certain unity in the remarkable diversity of fundamental rights voices. To what degree, however, the Platform’s dynamics allow the transformation of sometimes ‘compartmentalised’ single human rights discussions into wider trans-sectoral and transnational debates within the Human Rights Community depends on the motivation and the interest(s) of the different Civil Society players.

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Education and ethnicity cannot be discussed without taking language into account. This paper will argue that any discussion of ethnic minorities cannot ignore the question of language, nor can any discussion of human rights ignore the question of language rights. Unfortunately, in today's globalised world, governments and minorities are faced with conflicting pressures: on the one hand, for the development and use of education in a global/international language; on the other for the use and development of mother tongue, local or indigenous languages in education. Language complexity and ethnic plurality were largely brought about as a result of the creation of nation-states, which were spread around the world as a result of European colonialism. European languages and formal education systems were used as a means of political and economic control. The legacy that was left by the colonial powers has complicated ethnic relations and has frequently led to conflict. While there is now greater recognition of the importance of language both for economic and educational development, as well as for human rights, the forces of globalisation are leading towards uniformity in the languages used, in culture and even in education. They are working against the development of language rights for smaller groups. We are witnessing a sharp decline in the number of languages spoken. Only those languages which are numerically, economically and politically strong are likely to survive. As a result many linguistic and ethnic groups are in danger of being further marginalised. This paper will illustrate this thesis both historically and from several contemporary societies, showing how certain policies have exacerbated ethnic conflict while others are seeking to promote harmony and reconciliation. Why this should be so will be explored. (c) 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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This article explores the interactions between disabled forced migrants with care needs and professionals and the restrictive legal, policy and practice context that health and social care professionals have to confront, based on the findings of a qualitative study with 45 participants in the South-East of England. In-depth interviews were conducted with 15 forced migrants who had diverse impairments and chronic illnesses (8 women and 7 men), 13 family caregivers and 17 support workers and strategic professionals working in social care and the third sector in Slough, Reading and London. The legal status of forced migrants significantly affects their entitlements to health and social care provision, resulting in prolonged periods of destitution for many families. National asylum support policies, difficult working relationships with UK Border Agency, higher eligibility thresholds and reduced social care budgets of local authorities were identified as significant barriers in responding to the support needs of disabled forced migrants and family caregivers. In this context, social workers experienced considerable ethical dilemmas. The research raises profound questions about the potential and limitations of health and social care policies, provision, and practice as means of protection and support in fulfilling the human rights of forced migrants with care needs.

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Corporal punishment is a worldwide problem. The purpose withthis thesis is to promote a constructive discussion about the problem andconnect this to children’s rights. This gives the possibility to start adiscussion about suggestions and measures to reduce the problem. Thetheory is that corporal punishment is used as a disciplinary method tochange behavior. Children’s rights is regulated by conventions and nationallaws. The method is to conduct an analysis with interpretations andcommentaries of the research materials from South Africa and Sweden.The conclusion is that those who are positive to corporal punishment thinksit is an efficient working method, and it is about children’s safety. Thosewho are negative have experienced that alternative methods works. Asuggestion is to involve children in the work with children’s rights andeducate them in human and children’s rights with focus on obligations andresponsibility.

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The house work is a reality for girls of humble class and one of the most found forms of work among adolescent workers. Moreover, it is a mean of work which reproduces poverty and gender relations within the society. The purpose of this essay in to understand the house work in the life of adolescent workers, emphasizing the meaning produced by these teenagers concerning the job they perform. In order to achieve such goal, questionnaires were applied to 332 adolescents, under 18 years old from public schools (from EJA-supletivo) in Natal, with the purpose of mapping the registration of this activity among young students. Next, 14 adolescents were interviewed in order to recognize the meaning of this work and its repercussions over the teenagery, such as school education, socialization, relations with employers and adolescent s self-image. Later we have noticed most workers among the students from public schools are housemaids. Furthermore, this work is used as a form of social ascension and it contributes for the search for better opportunities in the state capital for adolescents who leave the countryside trying to agree to education and remuneration. This work plays an important role, which is to reproduce gender relations, as a woman works to maintain the private space as a female space and maintains the man out of this relation. Besides it reproduces class relations, ethny and generation conflicts, in which the employer replaces the control the parents have in the adolescent s life. Summing up, this study about house work have negative aspects, related to exploitation, humiliation and mistreat, as well as positive ones, for it permits the adolescent to improve his life conditions. The most important thing is to look for a mean of work in which human and workers rights are respected

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The International Labor Organization (OIT) estimates that there are around 118 million children subjected to child labor around the world. In Brazil, there are 3.5 million workers aged between 5 and 17. This exploitation practice constitutes a serious social problem, including of Public Health, since these workers are exposed to a wide range of risks, such as those related to health, physical integrity and even to life, which may cause them to become sick adults and/or interrupt their lives prematurely. Therefore, this research aims to investigate the relationship between the frequency of child labor in the age group of 10 to 13 years and some socio-economic indicators. It is a quantitative research in an ecological study whose levels of analysis are the Brazilian municipalities grouped in 161 regions, defined from socioeconomic criteria. The dependent variable of this study was the prevalence of child labor in the age group of 10 to 13 years. The independent variables were selected after a correlation between the 2010 Census of child labor in the age group of 10 to 13 years and secondary data had been conducted, adopting two main independent variables: funds from the Family Allowance Program (PBF) per 1,000 inhabitants and Funds from the Child Labor Eradication Program (PETI) per a thousand inhabitants. Initially, it was conducted a descriptive analysis of the variables of the study, then, a bivariate analysis, and the correlation matrix was built. At last, the Multiple Linear Regression stratified analysis was performed. The results of this survey indicate that public policies , like the Bolsa Familia Program Features per 1000 inhabitants and Resources Program for the Eradication of Child Labour to be allocated to municipalities with HDI < 0.697 represent a decrease in the rate of child labor ; These programs have the resources to be invested in municipalities with HDI > = 0.697 have no effect on the rate of child labor. Other adjustment variables showed significance, among these the municipal Human Development Index (IDH), years of schooling at 18 years of age, illiteracy at 15 years of age or more, employees without employment contract at 18 years of age and the Gini Index. It is understood that the child labor issue is complex. The problem is associated, although not restricted to, poverty, the social exclusion and inequality that exist in Brazil, but other factors of cultural and economic nature, as well as of organization of production, also account for its aggravation. Fighting child labor involves a wide intersectoral articulation, shared and integrated with several public policies, among them health, sports, culture, agriculture, labor and human rights, with a view to guaranteeing the integrality of the rights of children and adolescents in situation of labor and of their respective families

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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This paper concerns a study on the University Extension, by reference to the research extension activities under the theme human rights and justice, developed in the period 2008 to 2010 in UFRN. To do so, it tried to learn the concepts of extension in Brazil from the 1970s until the 2000s in contemporary times. This study considered the neoliberal social context of the University, dominated by educational policies focusing on the hegemony of liberal ideas about society, reflecting the great advances of capital on the organization of workers in the last decades and intensified in the 1990s. This research was guided by two great motivations: the opportunity to apprehend a way to enforce the commitment of public institutions of higher education to the disadvantaged sections of society and what role the university extension space plays as a socially committed public university. The general aim of this study is to identify inside the university extension education what does it mean for practitioners and extension activities and what results it produces to society and to the academic training of future professional citizens in the current neoliberal context. The research has been developed from an analytical and critical approach based on quantitative and qualitative data, using observation techniques and semi-structured interviews. We sought to investigate and understand the social reality, the main object of this work, with an interest in identifying the need for a new teaching/learning process and for a new university practice, in order to effectively improve an advanced academic formation. For this, some interviews have been conducted with teachers, students and the external community involved in extension actions in the period defined by the work, i.e., from 2008 to 2010. In this stage, it was observed that the academic work of university extension is essential to civic education. It was recognized too as a privileged space where university fulfills its social commitment towards society, as long as it joins scientific and popular knowledge having in view a new science and a new social order